Showing posts with label Bart Ehrman. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bart Ehrman. Show all posts

Sunday, January 22, 2023

Acts 4:13 and the Authorship of the Fourth Gospel

 Acts 4:13 and the Authorship of the Fourth Gospel

Introduction

Critics of the Gospel of John insinuate that John, son of Zebedee would not be able to produce such a work since he was a poor fisherman in lower Palestine.[1] In addition to that, Bart Ehrman cites biblical evidence (Acts 4:13) that John (and Peter) was (were) “unlettered” or “illiterate.”[2] In this blog post I will demonstrate why this is a questionable argument and give several reasons as to why John producing the Fourth Gospel is no problem in light of this issue.

 

The meaning of ἀγράμματοί 

 The word ἀγράμματοί is often translated as literally “un-lettered” due to its etymology.[3] However, etymology does not determine the meaning of a word, context does. Paul Rhodes Eddy and Greg A. Boyd note, “[t]he term agrammatoi need imply nothing more than that these two [John and Peter] never received a formal education...”[4] Moreover, ἀγράμματος links to formal rabbinic training since γράμματα relates to the Law (cf. Rom 2:27, 29; 7:6; 2 Cor 3:6; John 7:15).[5]

 Before we delve into additional points on John’s literacy, it must be pointed out that the assumption that because John was a Galilean fisherman he wouldn’t have been able to write the Fourth Gospel is erroneous. Fishermen could actually be quite prominent in society. Craig Keener notes

fishermen were hardly peasants, ranking instead with tax-gatherers, carpenters, and artisans as a sort of middle-income group that comprised much of the upper 10 percent of wage earning in antiquity (of which merchants and land-owning aristocracy were but a small fraction.[6]

Therefore, it is plausible that John would have the financial means to receive some kind of basic education in reading and writing during his childhood or early teenage years.

 Additional Points

It should be pointed out that John would most likely have scribes and editors to help him with his writings.[7] Josephus, even though he was literate, still had difficulties with writing his books and speaking the Greek language.[8] Josephus used scribes to help him with him learn the Greek language and to compose his books in Greek.[9] Additionally, the Greek style of John is not that advanced, especially compared to other New Testament books such as Luke-Acts and James.[10]

For the sake of argument, let’s suppose that John was in fact illiterate in Acts 4. By the time he would be allegedly writing the Fourth Gospel, four to six decades would have passes given him time to learn how to read and write. Rabbi Akiva, one of the most famous rabbis and compilers of the Talmud was completely illiterate until he was 40 years old.[11] Keener deals with objections that John would be too old to produce a literary work like the Fourth Gospel.[12]

 Conclusion

Whiles this of course does not show John, son of Zebedee is the author of the Fourth Gospel, I think the argument from Acts 4:13 is a very poor argument against traditional authorship for this Gospel. For anyone looking for a positive case for traditional authorship of the Fourth Gospel, see here.



[1] Ehrman, Bart D. Jesus, Interrupted: Revealing the Hidden Contradictions in the Bible. HarperOne, 2010., 105.  

[2] Ibid., 105. Ehrman on his blog elaborates more: “It should come as no surprise that Peter could not write Greek (or Aramaic, for that matter).  As it turns out, there is New Testament evidence about Peter’s education level.  According to Acts 4:13, both Peter and his companion John, also a fisherman, were agrammatoi, a Greek word that literally means “unlettered,” that is, “illiterate.” https://ehrmanblog.org/could-peter-have-written-1-and-2-peter-some-other-way/

[3] The “a” serves as an alpha privative/negative particle, thus negating the “γράμμα” and rendering the word literally “un-lettered.”

[4] Eddy, Paul Rhodes, and Gregory A. Boyd. The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. Baker Academic, 2008., 249-50.  

[5] Keener, Craig. The Gospel of John: A Commentary. Baker Academic, 2010., 712.

 [6] Ibid., 101. It should also be noted how John’s family was wealthy enough to have multiple servants (Mark 1:20)

[7] Keener cites Susan Treggiari (Treggiari, Susan. “Jobs in the Household of Livia.” Papers of the British School at Rome, vol. 43, 1975, pp. 48–77 at 50on the complete secretarial staff of the Roman empress Livia’s household which includes those who took dictation and the copyists and clerks. Keener, John, 101 n. 168.

[8] Josephus, Ant. 1.7; 20.263–264

[9] Josephus, Against Apion 1.50

[10] Keener, John, 102.

[11] “What was the beginning of Rabbi Akiva? It is said: He was forty years old and he had not studied anything...He went...and... appeared before a teacher...Said Rabbi Akiva to him: “Master, teach me Torah.” ...The teacher wrote down “aleph bet” and he learned it; “aleph tav,” and he learned it...” (Avot de Rabbi Natan, Version A, chapter 6). Holtz, Barry W. Rabbi Akiva: Sage of the Talmud. Yale University Press, 2017., 39. D.A. Carson also makes this point in his John commentary (Carson, D.A. The Gospel According to John. William B. Eerdmans, 1991., 74)

[12] Keener, John, 102-3 cites several primary sources that provide anecdotal evidence that people could still be intellectually rigorous in their older years.

Wednesday, September 7, 2022

A Brief Response to Ehrman on Monotheism in Isaiah

Ehrman has argued that the Hebrew Bible is primarily henotheistic with the exception of at least Isaiah, which is monotheistic. I will quote him at some length [1]:

"I need to make two general points about Jewish monotheism. The first is that not every ancient Israelite held a monotheistic view—the idea that there is only one God. Evidence for this can be seen already in the verse I quoted from the Torah above, the beginning of the Ten Commandments. Note how the commandment is worded. It does not say, 'You shall believe that there is only one God.' It says, 'You shall have no other gods before me.' This commandment, as stated, presupposes that there are other gods. But none of them is to be worshiped ahead of, or instead of, the God of Israel. As it came to be interpreted, the commandment also meant that none of these other gods was to be worshiped alongside of or even after the God of Israel. But that does not mean the other gods don’t exist. They simply are not to be worshiped. 
"This is a view that scholars have called henotheism, in distinction from the view I have thus far been calling monotheism. Monotheism is the view that there is, in fact, only one God. Henotheism is the view that there are other gods, but there is only one God who is to be worshiped. The Ten Commandments express a henotheistic view, as does the majority of the Hebrew Bible. The book of Isaiah, with its insistence that 'I alone am God, there is no other,' is monotheistic. It represents the minority view in the Hebrew Bible."

A full discussion of the various contours of Jewish monotheism and henotheism is beyond the scope of this post. My critique here will address Ehrman's insistence that God's declaration of there being "no other" requires a strict monotheism. I do not intend to provide a comprehensive theological exposition of Isaiah (or Second Isaiah, as many scholars would have it).

Ehrman is largely correct about Jewish monotheism. Chris Tilling quotes some of MacDonald's work on the subject, saying that Jewish monotheism was not "a truth to be comprehended" but rather a "relationship in which to be committed." [2] The Jewish Scriptures do not deny the existence of other gods but rather exhort the Jewish people to be committed to only one: YHWH, the God of Israel. Ehrman goes on to argue, however, that Isaiah differs from this pattern and presents a traditional monotheism.

Ehrman does not provide any evidence for his thesis apart from Isaiah 46:9 (though other texts, such as Isaiah 43:10-11, express the same idea), so it is worth providing some parallels to properly contextualize it. Here is the verse to which Ehrman is likely referring, as translated in the NRSV:

remember the former things of old;
for I am God, and there is no other;
I am God, and there is no one like me,

An initial point to be made is that Deuteronomy 4:35 contains a very similar injunction: "To you it was shown so that you would acknowledge that the Lord is God; there is no other besides him." And yet Ehrman seems to think that Deuteronomy is henotheistic (Moses certainly was, as can be seen in Deuteronomy 32:17; cf. 8-9). So if "there is no other" is not a problem for Deuteronomy's henotheism, why should we think that Isaiah is any different?

More can be said, however, when we look at Isaiah's usage of similar language in the very next chapter. Isaiah 47:8-10 is addressed to Babylon, anthropomorphized as a virgin daughter:

8 Now therefore hear this, you lover of pleasures,
who sit securely,

who say in your heart,

“I am, and there is no one besides me;

I shall not sit as a widow

or know the loss of children”—

9 both these things shall come upon you
in a moment, in one day:
the loss of children and widowhood
shall come upon you in full measure,
in spite of your many sorceries
and the great power of your enchantments.
10 You felt secure in your wickedness;
you said, “No one sees me.”
Your wisdom and your knowledge
led you astray,
and you said in your heart,
"I am, and there is no one besides me."

Unless Babylon is meant to be declaring that she is the only city on Earth, it is clear that "there is no one besides me" emphasizes the incomparability of Babylon. It does not assert that Babylon is the only one of its class or that there are no lesser cities. Another passage (and I am indebted to Michael Heiser's work for many of these references [3]) is Zephaniah 2:15, which refers to Nineveh:

Is this the exultant city that lived secure, that said to itself, “I am, and there is no one else”? What a desolation it has become, a lair for wild animals! Everyone who passes by it hisses and shakes the fist.

Nineveh is likewise not the only city in the world. In light of this, the evidence is clear: Isaiah 46:9 is "a strong affirmation of the uniqueness and incomparability of the God of Israel" [4]. The declaration can be made regardless of whether other gods exist and so does not provide evidence of the sort of discontinuity for which Ehrman is arguing. It's possible he has other evidence for his thesis that he didn't mention here. As it stands, however, it looks like Ehrman (and other scholars who agree with him) are trying to find a discrepancy where there is none. Continuity is usually a simpler explanation than discrepancy and it is certainly to be favored here.

Notes and References

[1] Bart Ehrman, How Jesus Became God (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2014), 50  

[2] Chris Tilling, Paul's Divine Christology (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 2015), 84

[3] See Michael Heiser, The Unseen Realm: Recovering the Supernatural Worldview of the Bible (Bellingham: Lexham Press, 2015), 34-35

[4] Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55: Anchor Yale Bible, (New York: Doubleday, 2002), 224; note that Blenkinsopp says this in his discussion of Isaiah 43:10-11 rather than 46:9.


Sunday, May 22, 2022

Reviewing the Ehrman-Gathercole Debate on Early Christology

This will be a brief review of the second 2014 debate on the "Unbelievable?" radio show between Simon Gathercole and Bart Ehrman on the topic of Christology, specifically a discussion of the earliest texts in the New Testament such as Romans 1.3-4 and Philippians 2.5-11. The discussion was sparked by the publication of Ehrman's How Jesus Became God and a response volume to which Gathercole contributed titled How God Became Jesus. Timestamps refer to the recording here; note that the timestamps might vary depending on how your browser loads the recording and other factors. The debate starts after the third minute, moderated by Justin Brierley.

In his initial comments, Ehrman says that this issue (who Jesus was) is "fundamentally important for everybody, whether they're a Christian or not a Christian." (4:55). This is a good take. Despite Ehrman's dubious conclusions on the historical Jesus, this remark is a refreshing point of agreement.

Clarifying his views on the evolution of early Christology, Ehrman goes on to say that "Christians didn't come out and call Jesus God for decades after his resurrection." (6:50) Later, he comments about how he changed his mind on the subject of Jesus' burial, saying that the traditions of Jesus having a tomb that was discovered empty are "probably not historical" (8:20). This was not the subject of the debate, so I will not be discussing it here. Those interested in a response to arguments from Ehrman and others concerning the historicity of Jesus' burial can consult this post from jobapologetics or this video from InspiringPhilosophy. Both links cite a plethora of scholarly sources for further research on the topic.

At the 12 minute mark, Ehrman summarizes the consensus dating of the Gospels, placing Mark around 65 or 70. Gathercole agrees with the chronology fleshed out by Ehrman. I don't think the evidence for these dates is strong enough to command the consensus they enjoy, but this is irrelevant to the topic of the debate so I will not discuss it here. I will post a review soon of Jonathan Bernier's new book on the topic.

The discussion of early Christology begins in earnest at 14:18, when Brierley introduces Philippians 2 as a purported example of early high Christology. For reference, here is the text from the NASB:

5 Have this attitude in yourselves which was also in Christ Jesus,
6
who, as He already existed in the form of God, did not consider equality with God something to be grasped,

7
but emptied Himself by taking the form of a bond-servant and being born in the likeness of men.

8
And being found in appearance as a man, He humbled Himself by becoming obedient to the point of death: death on a cross. 

9
For this reason also God highly exalted Him, and bestowed on Him the name which is above every name,

10
so that at the name of Jesus every knee will bow, of those who are in heaven and on earth and under the earth,

11
and that every tongue will confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father.

This passage is regarded by some scholars to be pre-Pauline. At 18:00 Gathercole answers a question about how this conclusion is reached. He emphasizes the unusual vocabulary as one factor, though he qualifies that by saying that the difficulty with this approach is that the corpus of Paul's letters is tiny. This is generally a good principle: while unusual vocabulary is some evidence for non-Pauline origin, since the corpus is sufficiently large to get an idea of Paul's verbal and grammatical inclinations, writers use unusual vocabulary frequently so caution is warranted.

Returning to around the 16 minute mark, the conversation turns to various translation-related issues in the first section of the poem. Both Gathercole and Ehrman think that translating the first part of verse 6 as "being in very nature God" is dubious. Gathercole says that the more controversial part is "over the grasping bit" (17:00). Gathercole notes that translating it as "grasped" suggests that Jesus didn't already have equality with God, but the alternative translation of "exploited" suggests that he did have it but didn't abuse it. At 17:40 Ehrman comments that the word for "grasped" (harpagmos, from arpazō) isn't used very much. Indeed, this is the only occurrence of this verb in the New Testament. Due in part to time constraints, neither scholar lays out a case for preferring one translation over the other.

At 18:50, Ehrman summarizes his interpretation of the Christology of this creed as "Before Jesus became a human, he was a divine being with God in heaven, but he didn't want to seek equality with God... Then, God exalts him more highly than he was before." At 19:40, Ehrman notes that the language of every knee bowing and every tongue confessing is a quotation from Isaiah applied exclusively to YHWH. Thus, he argues, Jesus became equal with God after the resurrection.

At 19:33 Gathercole explains his interpretation of the Philippians passage. He notes that his primary disagreement is over the translation of harpagmos; he finds it convincing that this should be translated as saying that Jesus had equality with God but didn't want to hold onto it. He then comments as to the difficulty of treating a small hymn like this in isolation and suggests going elsewhere in Paul to find his high Christology. Specifically, he cites 1 Corinthians 8.6: "yet for us there is only one God, the Father, from whom are all things, and we exist for Him; and one Lord, Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we exist through Him."

Seeing as the primary difference between these two interpretations of the Philippians passage depends on the translation of harpagmos, some comments about this are in order. Scholars have long debated the meaning of this word and the matters of syntax are complex. For those interested in reading more about this term, perhaps the best place to start is Roy Hoover's 1971 landmark study. [1] On the basis of his survey of other uses of the word, Hoover suggested a translation of Philippians 2.6 as "he did not regard being equal with God as something to take advantage of". This went without serious challenge until 1988, when J. C. O'Neill published a brief critique of Hoover's conclusions, arguing that harpagmos is best understood as robbery. [2] Gordon Fee took issue with O'Neill's critique, saying "by turning Hoover's findings into a 'rule', O'Neill eliminates the 'rule' by noting the exceptions. But that is not the same thing as eliminating Hoover's understanding of the idiom." [3] Most recently, Michael Wade Martin published a rebuttal to O'Neill's comments and proposed some refinements to Hoover's thesis. [4] Martin's primary conclusion is that the use of harpagmos itself is ambiguous and its meaning should be settled by context.  This latter position seems safest. I think the context provides a strong case for the equality of Jesus with God by 1) the wording "in the form (morphē) of God" and 2) the theological impracticality of translating harpagmos as "robbed". These considerations are not conclusive, though, so Pauline Christology should not be settled on the basis of this text alone.

There is little to comment on from the 30 minute mark to the 40 minute mark. Ehrman and Gathercole primarily discuss the divisions between creator and created in first-century Judaism, where they generally agree. Gathercole's central contention is that the worship of which Paul declares Jesus worthy would be unfitting for a created being: "If Jesus is a creature, then you jolly well shouldn't worship him." This conclusion comes from passages like Romans 1 ("worshiped and served the creation rather than the Creator"). Thus, Paul viewed Jesus as uncreated.

At 39:30, Gathercole explains that a central problem with an exaltation or adoptionist Christology is that it would make a creature into a non-creature. Ehrman responds by saying that Jesus is still a creature, but now one who has been exalted to the level of God. He uses the analogy of a Roman emperor adopting a son. Further, Ehrman comments that Paul's condemnation in Romans 1 is irrelevant because 1) Paul is talking about worshiping idols, and 2) Jesus has now been exalted to the level of God, an uncreated thing. Later, Gathercole responds to 1) by agreeing that Paul is indeed condemning a specific brand of idolatry, but in doing so he reflects his belief that only the creator is worthy of worship. 

This is an interesting contention from Ehrman. One objection is that it's difficult to view a created Jesus as being equal to God, because the creature/creator distinction precludes any notion of metaphysical equality—the creator will always be greater than the creation.

Ehrman goes on to defend his view that Paul viewed Christ as a created being by saying that "from whom are all things" in 1 Corinthians 8.6 includes Christ. Gathercole references the second part of the verse saying that "through [Christ] are all things". Here I think he drops a good rebuttal. If Ehrman wants to argue that "from [God] are all things" necessarily implies that Christ is a created being (interpreting the "all" literally), then saying that "through [Christ] are all things" would imply that God exists through Christ. I doubt this is a position Ehrman would want to affirm, given his belief that Paul viewed Christ as a created being. Further, if God's existence depends on Christ, it would suggest that Christ is higher than God in some way. Thus, Ehrman would have to concede that God is excluded from the "all" in the phrase "through [Christ] are all things". This significantly weakens his argument that "from [God] are all things" necessarily includes Christ—if the second phrase permits an exception, the first one can as well.

At 44:00 begins the discussion of the "tunnel period". This is the period of about 20 years from Jesus' death to our first Pauline letter. Ehrman says that the best way to figure out what was going on Christologically during the tunnel period is to look at pre-Pauline creeds and hymns in the letters of Paul. While this is probably our best bet for elucidating early Christological beliefs, I don't think it can yield much certainty. Creeds are often condensed, for one thing, and leave out a lot of qualifications that might impact our interpretation. Another concern is that Paul is widely argued to have redacted Christologically inadequate creeds to make them compatible with his own Christology, but the speculation employed to reconstruct the original protocreeds is often quite tenuous and significantly hampers our ability to derive confident conclusions.

At 47:05 Ehrman brings up Romans 1.3-4 for the first time during the debate. Ehrman lays out a basic case for finding an adoptionist Christology in this text. In a few months I will be publishing a series of posts addressing various interpretations of Romans 1.3-4, including a comprehensive analysis of various redaction theories. That series will be reasonably exhaustive. Thus, I will limit my comments here to those of direct pertinence to the debate.

Here is the NASB translation of the text:

3 concerning His Son, who was born of a descendant of David according to the flesh, 
4
who was declared the Son of God with power according to the Spirit of holiness by the resurrection from the dead, Jesus Christ our Lord.

"With power" can also be translated "by power" or "in power". I prefer the latter.

Gathercole's first response, at 48:30, is to emphasize the level of speculation involved in determining whether a given text is a creed. He does, however, think that there's a good chance Romans 1.3-4 is a creed. Where he disagrees with Ehrman is that the creed presents something radically different than what Paul believed. 

At 49:40 Gathercole says that it's much more speculative to say that Paul added "in power" to the creed. Ehrman's initial response seems to indicate that the inclusion of "in power" tells strongly against an adoptionist reading—Jesus became the "son-of-God-in-power" at his resurrection. Thus, if the creed originally taught an adoptionist Christology, "in power" would have to be absent. This is precisely what Ehrman argues: "in power" was probably a Pauline interpolation. Around the 51 minute mark, Ehrman lays out his principal argument for that conclusion—it's the only part of the second section that doesn't correspond to anything in the first section.

To see this, consider how Ehrman contrasts the elements of the creed in his book How Jesus Became God: [5]

A1 Who was descended
A2 from the seed of David
A3 according to the flesh,

B1 who was appointed
B2 the Son of God in power
B3 according to the Spirit of holiness by his resurrection from the dead

Since "son of God" corresponds to "seed of David", Ehrman argues, "in power" is left hanging.

Against Ehrman's argument we may adduce six responses. I will discuss these all more fully in my planned series on Romans 1.3-4:
1. We have to be careful what we conclude from parallelism arguments—it's highly speculative to assume everything will line up perfectly.
2. The strength of the argument is dependent on how we structure the creed. Scholars like Matthew Bates and Gordon Fee structure the various sections of the creed differently than Ehrman, making "in power" no longer unnecessary.
3. There are other parts of the creed that don't line up perfectly. For example, consider the phrases "according to the flesh" and "according to the Spirit of holiness". Technically, one could omit "of holiness" and still have an understandable creed. Someone might respond that the emphasis is on corresponding phrases, not word-for-word similarities—in that case, if "in power" modifies "Son of God" (as many scholars argue) it is no longer out of place. The same parallel dooms the response that "of holiness" is a necessary qualification for the office of "the Spirit"—"in power" could also be a necessary qualification for "Son of God".
4. Even if we accept Ehrman's structuring of the creed, James Dunn argues that "seed of David" and "Son of God" might have been regarded as insufficiently contrastive, because the seed of David was already considered to be the Son of God. Thus, "in power" preserves the antithetical parallelism.
5. There is precedent for this formulation in other Christological hymns (1 Tim 3.16, Heb 1.3).
6. "Son of God in power" is an expression not used by Paul elsewhere. This is not a particularly strong argument, but it's presence is slightly more probable if the expression originated elsewhere than if Paul used it himself.

Gathercole responds that scholars differ as to whether "in power" was there originally. He cites James Dunn's commentary arguing that "seed of David" and "son of God" don't contrast enough, and thus the "in power" is necessary to preserve the antithetical parallelism (point #4 above). At 54:13 Ehrman briefly responds: "My case doesn't rest on whether two words in Romans 1.3-4... there are other preliterary traditions that all point in the same direction." (ellipses indicate Ehrman's incomplete sentence, not an omission). While possibly due to time constraints, it's notable that Ehrman drops the issue after Gathercole provides Dunn's response. He then refers to his book, indicating that he makes a case there for viewing an adoptionist Christology as one of the earliest views.

Ehrman's comment that "there are other preliterary traditions that all point in the same direction" references passages in the speeches in Acts, though he doesn't bring them up in the debate. For engagement with these passages, see C. Kavin Rowe's paper "Acts 2:36 and the Continuity of Lukan Christology" and Michael Bird's book Answering Adoptionist Christology. 

In conclusion, I think Gathercole had the upper hand in this discussion, though both scholars provided robust defenses of their views. The debate covered a lot of ground, though it would have been interesting to see Ehrman defend his redactional thesis for Romans 1.3-4 a bit more. Ultimately, this debate did what all good debates should: offer an introduction to two competing viewpoints and provide resources for further research.

References and Notes
[1] R. W. Hoover, "The Harpagmos Enigma: A Philological Solution," HTR 64 (1971), 95-119
[2] J. C. O'Neill, "Hoover on Harpagmos Reviewed, with a Modest Proposal concerning Philippians 2:6," HTR 81 (1988), 445-49
[3] Gordon Fee, Pauline Christology: An Exegetical-Theological Study. Hendrickson Publishers, 2007, 382
[4] Michael Wade Martin, "ἁρπαγμός Revisited: A Philological Reexamination of the New Testament's 'Most Difficult Word'," JBL 135 (2016), 175-94
[5] Bart Ehrman, How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2014. 166 (eBook)

Monday, May 2, 2022

A Better Harmonization of Matthew's Double Donkeys

A popular contradiction alleged between the Gospel accounts is the number of donkeys Jesus rode into Jerusalem during the triumphal entry. Mark and Luke both mention a "colt" and say that Jesus sat on "it". Matthew, however, mentions the colt and its mother and ambiguously says that Jesus sat on "them". Thus, it is argued that Matthew has Jesus sitting on both of these animals while riding into Jerusalem. As Bart Ehrman says: 

"In Matthew, Jesus' disciples procure two animals for him, a donkey and a colt; they spread their garments over the two of them, and Jesus rode into town straddling them both (Matthew 21:7). It's an odd image, but Matthew made Jesus fulfill the prophecy of Scripture quite literally." (Jesus Interrupted, p. 50)

Here's Matthew 21:6-7 (NASB): [1]
"The disciples went and did just as Jesus had instructed them, and brought the donkey and the colt, and laid their cloaks on them; and He sat on them."

What does "on them" mean?

When Matthew says that Jesus sat "on them" the context yields only two plural antecedents to which Matthew might be referring: the donkeys or the cloaks (technically, it could be referring to the disciples, but this option will be dismissed without further comment). If "them" means the donkeys, it must further be adjudicated whether Matthew intends to say that Jesus is straddling the donkeys or whether a simpler interpretation is correct. I will briefly summarize these interpretations.

The "cloaks" interpretation

According to this interpretation, when Matthew says that Jesus sat "on them" he is referring to the cloaks—the disciples put the cloaks on the donkeys, and Jesus sat on the cloaks. While this harmonization is very popular, I don't think it is as convincing as many apologists assert. For one thing, the phrase "on them" is used just a few words earlier to refer to the donkeys. Since Matthew does not specify anything different, this offers some support for "them" referring to the donkeys, albeit not very much. The more convincing, though also not conclusive, argument against this reading comes when we compare Mark's account with Matthew's.

Mark 11.6-7:
"
And they told them just as Jesus had said, and they gave them permission. They brought the colt to Jesus and put their cloaks on it; and He sat on it."
Matthew 21.6-7:
"The disciples went and did just as Jesus had instructed them, and brought the donkey and the colt, and laid their cloaks on them; and He sat on them."

In Mark, the antecedent of it is the colt, even though Mark also has plural cloaks. In Matthew, the sentence is structured the same way, so it's most plausible to take them as having the same antecedent—namely, the donkeys. It's unlikely that Matthew would perfectly parallel Mark's account and switch out the singular pronoun for the plural in every case but mean something entirely different at the end.

A worse objection to the "cloaks" harmonization is the one defended by Bart Ehrman here. [2] Ehrman argues that since the cloaks were spread over both animals, sitting on the cloaks would still entail sitting on both donkeys. But sitting on "the cloaks" doesn't mean sitting on all of the cloaks. That can only be exegeted via a very uncharitable hermeneutic. As long as Jesus sat on some of the cloaks, it could be correctly said that he sat "on them".

While these arguments aren't conclusive, they provide reason to be skeptical of this interpretation. I think it's still a marginally better interpretation than saying that Jesus was straddling two donkeys, but a better harmonization would be preferred.

The "unit" interpretation

According to this interpretation, "on them" does refer to the donkeys, but it doesn't mean Jesus was straddling both of them. Rather, Matthew refers to the donkeys as a unit on which Jesus sat, but he only needs to have sat on one of them. Steve Hays references Donald Hagner's commentary, saying that even if "them" refers to the donkeys,

"it hardly means that the evangelist alleges that Jesus actually sat upon both animals at once (!) or even in succession. Instead it means that here the two animals, which were kept so closely together, are conceptually regarded as a single, inseparable unit,” D. Hagner, Matthew 14-28 (Nelson 1995), 595

D. A. Carson gives this as a secondary harmonization, preferring the cloaks harmonization instead. (The Expositor's Bible Commentary: Matthew) To see the plausibility of such a grammatical construction, we need only consider an English example. One might say, of a room with multiple chairs packed closely together, "The chairs were very comfortable. I sat on them," and yet only have sat on one chair. The speaker is referring to the chairs as a unit, and it would be absurd to think he straddled all of them. Even if the grammar might initially incline us towards the notion, common sense rules it out, leading us to assume he only sat on one chair. It is not difficult to think of other examples of this sort of grammatical construction.

I contend that this is the best harmonization of the texts. The suggestion that Matthew has Jesus balancing on two animals of different heights, while not impossible, is rather unlikely from the start. Matthew had access to Mark when he wrote this passage, as the textual similarities make clear, so a straddling Jesus would be a deliberate correction of Mark's narrative. Thus, if Matthew meant something so counterintuitive, why wasn't he clearer? It would be easy to say something akin to "he sat on both of them" if that was what he wanted to communicate. It's highly unlikely such a strange event would be inserted so ambiguously and subtly.

Some further points are in order about why Matthew wrote his account this way. We'll start with an examination of the prophecy quoted in verse 5.

Did Matthew misunderstand Zechariah's parallelism?

Those who allege that Matthew has Jesus riding two donkeys sometimes allege that Matthew was trying to make Jesus fulfill the prophecy of Zechariah 9.9, which he quotes in verse 5. Zechariah 9.9 (NASB) says:

"Rejoice greatly, daughter of Zion!
    Shout
in triumph, daughter of Jerusalem!

Behold, your king is coming to you;

    He is
righteous and endowed with salvation,

Humble, and mounted on a donkey,

    Even on a colt, the
foal of a donkey."

This verse is an example of Hebrew synonymous parallelism—the first line expresses an idea, and the second line amplifies it or repeats it with slight variations. If this prophecy inspired Matthew to write Jesus riding two donkeys, it would require him to have misunderstood the parallelism. But this is highly unlikely. Consider the text that Matthew cites:

"Say to the daughter of Zion,
'Behold your King is coming to you,
H
umble, and mounted on a donkey,

E
ven on a colt, the foal of a donkey.'"

Note that Matthew omits lines 2 and 4 from Zechariah 9.9. These both echo the lines before them, indicating that Matthew is quite familiar with this Hebrew convention. Further, as Jonathan McLatchie notes, commenting on Matthew 8.16-17, 

"Verse 17 quotes from Isaiah 53:4. It is of note that Matthew does not here quote from the Septuagint, which reads, “He himself bore our sins and was pained because of them.” Matthew’s quotation does not even match the Aramaic Targum, which reads, “Then for our sins he will pray and our iniquities will be forgiven because of him.” Instead, Matthew translates the Hebrew quite literally, highlighting how it is fulfilled in Jesus performing miracles of healing. Matthew’s acquaintance with Hebrew thus make it quite unlikely that he would so grossly misunderstand the parallelism in Zechariah." [3]

A further strike against the theory that Matthew misinterpreted Zechariah is that the Hebrew text of Zechariah, which Matthew was translating from, uses the word for a male donkey. In Matthew's narrative, the second donkey is a female donkey (apparently called a "jenny"). Matthew's familiarity with Hebrew and the lack of a direct correspondence between Zechariah 9 and Matthew 21 thus make it unlikely that Matthew misinterpreted Zechariah.

Why does Matthew mention two donkeys?

This leaves the question of why Matthew bothered mentioning the female donkey in the first place. It could be to show that the colt was truly unridden, as Robert Gundry suggests. [4] Gundry also suggests that the donkeys are meant to be viewed as a "wide throne". This would explain why Matthew uses a plural pronoun even though he's only referring to one donkey—he wants the readers to envision the donkeys, the throne, as a singular unit upon which Jesus sat. Others have argued that sitting on a throne of two donkeys emphasizes both Jesus' divinity and his humility. For an interesting treatment of these options, I would recommend this video from InspiringPhilosophy. He defends the "cloaks" harmonization but has solid research nonetheless.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the arguments against the "cloaks" harmonization have been shown to have weight, if not being ultimately decisive. Matthew's phrase "on them" is best interpreted as referring to the donkeys. However, this need not mean that Matthew intended his readers to envision Jesus straddling both animals, as the donkeys are regarded as a single unit: a garment-spread throne for Jesus. Thus, saying Jesus sat "on them" can still be correct, even if he only sat on the colt. While some might object that this is grammatically counterintuitive, it is less counterintuitive than the notion that Jesus was straddling both of the donkeys. The idea that Matthew didn't understand the Hebrew parallelism in Zechariah has also been shown to be unlikely, given Matthew's competency with the Hebrew text and his omission of the other parallel cola from the verse he's citing. Therefore, Matthew's account is not in tension with Mark's.

Notes and References

[1] The NASB translates the final "them" in this quotation as "the cloaks", in keeping with the proposed harmonization that "them" does in fact refer to the cloaks. To better illustrate where the ambiguity lies, I have supplied the literal translation of the Greek text.

[2] See here for Dr. Jonathan McLatchie's response to Bart Ehrman's remarks. Although McLatchie defends the "cloaks" harmonization, his comments are helpful.

[3] ibid. 

[4] Gundry, Robert H. Matthew: A Commentary on His Handbook for a Mixed Church under Persecution. 2nd ed, W.B. Eerdmans, 1994.

Thursday, February 24, 2022

Resolving Alleged Historical Errors: On the Burial of Jesus

 Resolving Alleged Historical Errors: Jesus’ Burial Dilemma

Introduction

In this blog, I will be defending the proper burial of Jesus by using historical and archeological evidence. A common objection hurled at the Gospels’ passion and resurrection narratives regards Jesus’ body after his death by crucifixion. Anyone familiar with Roman burial practices would know that the bodies of crucifixion victims were usually left on the cross for days and eventually dumped into a mass, unmarked grave. However, this theory ignores Roman peacetime administration policies with the Jews and relevant archeological evidence. I will neither presuppose nor argue the theological inspiration or inerrancy of the Biblical text; it will be treated like any other historical source. I will be steel manning the skeptical position by using two critical historians, but before I do this, I want to take a look at why proper burial was important to the Jews.

The Importance of Proper Burial in Ancient Jewish Culture

Craig Evans says concerning proper burial in the Mediterranean World, “[i]n the Mediterranean world of late antiquity proper burial of the dead was regarded as sacred duty, especially so in the culture and religion of the Jewish people.”[1] Evans gives two reasons in support of this statement. The first reason for practicing proper burial was, “for the sake of the dead themselves.” This is abundantly clear in the Hebrew Scriptures. For example, Abraham purchased a cave for the burial of his wife, Sarah [3], Jacob’s body was taken to Canaan to be buried in a tomb [4], King David congratulated his men for burying Saul and his sons [5], and individual criminals required to be buried before sunset [6]. As can be seen, the early Israelites respected proper burial and even bestowed it on criminals and enemies. People not being buried was actually seen as a sign of sin and divine judgment [7].

This emphasis on proper burial was also seen in contemporary Jewish sources to Jesus. For example, the Jewish writer Philo of Alexandria describes several stories where he highlights the importance of proper burial. In the fictional creation of Jacob’s grief over the report of his son Joseph’s alleged death, he says that having Joseph’s body to bury would have comforted Jacob more [8]. Another one of his works, the book of Tobit, Tobit’s greatest virtues are burying the dead.[9]

A second reason why Jews buried the dead was to avoid corruption of the land of Israel. Quoting from Deuteronomy 22: 22-23, it reads, “And if a man has committed a crime punishable by death and he is put to death, and you hang him on a tree, his body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but you shall bury him the same day, for a hanged man is accursed by God; you shall not defile your land which the Lord your God gives you for an inheritance.” In addition to this, Ezekiel 39:14, 16 says, “They will set apart men to pass through the land continually and bury those remaining upon the face of the land, so as to cleanse it...This shall they cleanse the land.” This tradition was still pertinent during the turn of the era as seen in the Temple Scroll: “If a man is a traitor...you are to hang him on a tree until dead...if a man is convinced of a capital crime...you are to hang him, also, upon a tree until dead...but you must not let their bodies remain on the tree overnight; you shall most certainly bury them that very day...you are not to defile the land...”[10] In conclusion of this first section, proper burial was of utmost importance to Jews.

The Negative Argument

Now that we’ve shown why the Jews felt very strongly about proper burial, let’s take a look at a critical scholar’s objections. Bart Ehrman argues against Jesus being granted a proper burial. He provides five primary sources for crucifixion victims being left on the cross way after their deaths [11] and a further four sources for mass, unmarked graves for crucifixion victims.[12] In addition to that we have several examples of Jewish crucifixion victims being left unburied.[13]

However, the problem with these primary sources is that they either don’t talk about practices in Judea or are examples of wartime. Roman peacetime administration in Palestine allowed Jews to practice their own customs and beliefs. The primary sources of Jews being left unburied are a result of rebellion or war. As Craig Evans notes, “[m]ost of these cases involve open rebellion and armed conflict, on the one hand, or mob actions and anarchy, on the other. None of these cases can be said to be ‘normal’ or ‘typical’ of peacetime Roman administration. These cases are exceptional and involve desperate attempts to gain or retake control and/or terrorize civilian populations.”[14] We have good evidence that Romans respected Jewish customs during peacetime.

For example, Philo records an episode where the Roman government put eagle emblems on their shields. This offended the Jews and they “appealed to Pilate to redress the infringement of their traditions caused by the shields and not to disturb the customs which throughout all the preceding ages had been safeguarded without disturbance by kings and by emperors."[15] However, since Pilate was stubborn, he still did not succumb to the Jewish people’s wishes. This led them to write a letter of complaint to Emperor Tiberius himself. After reading the letter, Tiberius became very angry with Pilate and “immediately, without putting anything off till the next day, wrote a letter...commanding him [Pilate] to take down the shields...”[16] Josephus records another incident with Pilate when he attempted to impose Roman standards on the Jewish people by bringing images of the Emperor into Jerusalem. Josephus explains how the previous Roman leaders never attempted to do any of that out of respect for Jewish law (in this case Exodus 20:4). When the Jewish people resisted Pilate, he sent an armed Roman battalion to surround and murder the Jews. In response, they fell to the ground and refused to back down, saying they would rather die than have their laws broken. Josephus records that Pilate was, “astonished at the strength of their devotion to the laws, straight away removed the images from Jerusalem.”[17]

Interestingly enough, Ehrman uses this last passage as evidence Pilate wasn’t willing to respect Jewish sensitivities. Ehrman claims that, “Pilate realized he could not murder such masses in cold blood...[and] ordered the standards removed...”[18] The problem with this interpretation is that the text simply does not say that. Ehrman has to purposefully misread the text to fit this conclusion, and this is a poor example of how people should exegete historical texts. In addition to that (and Ehrman knows this because he cites this same passage on the same page!), Josephus in the same chapter and next pericope says that Pilate had his soldiers disguise as Jews and attack the people after they got angry at him for taking their money from their temple. Josephus records many Jews being killed in the onslaught or by being trampled.[19] Pilate did learn to respect Jewish laws, but he certainly was not afraid to get his hands dirty, so Ehrman’s argument falls apart.

Burial of Crucifixion Victim Records

We have several Jewish sources recording crucifixion victims granted proper burial. In Jewish Wars, Josephus notes, “...the Jews are so careful about funeral rites that even malefactors who have been sentenced to crucifixion are taken down and buried before sunset.”[20] Again, in Jewish Wars, “...our laws determine that the bodies of such [criminals] as kill themselves should be exposed till the sunset, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies.”[21] In the Antiquities of the Jews, he says, “Let burial be given even to your enemies.”[22]

In addition to that, we also have Roman records allowing proper burial. According to the Digesta, a compilation of Roman law and justice code, “The bodies of those who are condemned to death should not be refused their relatives; and the Divine Augustus, in the Tenth Book of his Life, said that this rule had been observed. At present, the bodies of those who have been punished are only buried when this has been requested and permission granted; and sometimes it is not permitted, especially where persons have been convicted of high treason...the bodies of persons who have been punished should be given to whoever requests them for the purpose of burial.”[23]

We have a plethora of Jewish and Roman sources that attest to capital punishment criminals receiving proper burial or being returned to family members.

Archeological Evidence

Not only do we have outstanding historical evidence, but we also have excellent archeological evidence to support the proper burial hypothesis.

In 1968, archeologists discovered an ossuary (ossuary no. 4 in Tomb 1, at Giv‘at ha-Mivtar) belonging to a crucified man called Yehohanan.[24] The ossuary dates to the late 20s CE, during the administration of Pilate, the same governor who tried and executed Jesus.[25] An 11.5 cm iron spike was found in his right heel bone. After a forensic examination of Yehohanon’s skeletal remains, it has been confirmed that he died with his arms apart on a horizontal beams or tree branch.[26]

Interestingly enough, there is no evidence that his arms or wrists were nailed to a cross bream. However, as seen in Pliny the Elder, crucifixion victims were sometimes bound to the cross with ropes and not nails.[27] Yehohanon’s legs were broken, but the cause is still heavily debated. If it was before his death, his legs were probably broken to hasten his death, which is called crurifragium.

 John Dominic Crossan objects to this evidence by saying, “I keep thinking of all those other thousands of Jews crucified around Jerusalem in that terrible first century from among whom we have found only one skeleton and one nail. I think I know what happened to their bodies, and I have no reason to think Jesus’ body did not join them.”[28] Jodi Magness does not agree with Crossan’s objection. She says, “In fact, the exact opposite is the case: the discovery of the identifiable remains of even a single victim of crucifixion is exceptional. Crossan’s assumption that we should have the physical (archeological) remains of additional crucified victims is erroneous for several reasons.”[29]

Magness argues, “First, with one exception (the repository in the late Iron Age cemetery at Ketef Hinmon), not a single undisturbed tomb in Jerusalem has ever been discovered and excavated by archeologists.”[30] This means that even in tombs that contain original remains, the skeletons are often disturbed or damaged, which means confirming Yehohanan was crucified is a miracle in of itself.

Magness continues, “Second, the Jerusalem elite who owned rock-cut family tombs with ossuaries favored the preservation of the status quo through accommodation with the Romans.”[31] This means that the majority of crucifixion victims would be buried in regular tombs, not the nice, high quality rock-cut tombs, which leads us back to Magness’ first argument since the regular tombs would not protect the bodies from centuries worth of erosion.

Magness concludes her objections by saying, “thirdly, and most important, the nail in Yehohanon’s heel was preserved only by a fluke.”[32]Dale Alisson explains why this is an important piece of evidence. He says, “the only reason we know that Yehohanan...was crucified is that a nail in his right heel bone could not be removed from the wood: it was stuck in a knot.”[33] Had it not been for the nail being located where it was, soldiers would have pulled the nail out and we would never have known that he had been crucified.

In addition to that, Alisson agrees with Pliny the Elder by saying, “...many victims were surely tied up rather than nailed, so we would not recognize them as having been crucified.”[34] Dr. Evans adds, “...many crucifixion victims were scourge, beaten, and then tied to the cross, not nailed. Thus, skeletal remains would leave no trace of trauma of crucifixion.”[35]

Conclusion

In conclusion, the historical and archeological data shows that Jesus would have been granted proper burial after his gruesome death by crucifixion. For an in-depth examination for the historicity of the burial narrative, see Alisson 2005, 352-363.

I will conclude this paper with a good quote from Jodi Magness: “...the Gospel accounts describing Jesus’ removal from the cross and burial accord well with archeological evidence and with Jewish law.”[36]
























[1] Evans, Craig A. “Jewish Burial Traditions and the Resurrection of Jesus.” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus, vol. 3, no. 2, 2005, pp. 234.

[2] Ibid., 234.

[3] Genesis 23: 4-19

[4] Genesis 50: 4-14

[5] 1 Samuel 31: 12-13; 2 Samuel 21: 12-14

[6] Deuteronomy 21: 22-23; see also Numbers 11: 33-34, 1 Kings 11:15

[7] Deut. 28:25-26; 1 Kgs. 14: 11, 21. 24; Jer. 7:33, 8:2, cf. 14:16, 16.4; Ps. 79:2-3; Ezek. 29:5

[8] Philo, De Iosepho 22-25. "Child, it is not your death that grieves me, but the manner of it. If you had been buried in your own land, I should have been comforted and watched and nursed your sick-bed, exchanged the last farewells as you died, closed your eyes, wept over your body as it lay there, given it a costly funeral and left none of the customary rites undone...And, indeed, if you had to die by violence or through premeditation, it would have been a lighter ill to me, slain as you would have been by human beings, who would have pitied their dead victim, gathered some dust and covered the corpse. And then if they had been the cruelest of men, what more could they have done but cast it out unburied and go their way, and then perhaps some passer-by would have stayed his steps, and, as he looked, felt pity for our common nature and deemed the custom of burial to be its due."

[9] Philo, Book of Tobit, 1.18-20; 2.3-8; 4.3-4; 6.15; 14.10-13

[10] 11QT 64.7-13A= 4Q524 frag. 14, lines 2-4

[11] “The vulture hurries from dead cattle and dogs and crosses to bring some of the carrion to her offspring” Juvenal, Satires 14.77-78.

“You shall not therefore feed the carrion crows on the cross” Horace, Epistles 1.16.46-48

“a crucified man is raised high and his substance is sufficient to keep many birds” Artemidorus, Dream Book 2.53

“hung...alive for the wild beasts and birds of prey” inscription Caria quoted in Hengel 1977, 76.

“...a bit of gallows humor in the Satyricon of Petronius, a one-time advisor to the emperor Nero, a crucified victim being left for days on the cross (chaps. 11-12) pg. 158

Ehrman, Bart D. How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2015., 157-158.

[12] “It was general law that temple-robbers should be cast forth without burial” Diodorus Siculus, Library of History 16.25.2

“[anyone who suffered] at the hands of the state for a crime...[was] denied burial, so that in the future there may be no trace of a wicked man” Dio Chrysostom, Discourses 31.85

“[after criminal begged for burial] Octavian: “The birds will soon settle that question” Suetonius, Augustus 13

“[about criminal committing suicide to avoid execution by state] [he] forfeited his estate and was debarred from burial” Tacitus, Annals 6.29

Ehrman, Bart D. How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2015.,160-161.

[13] Antiquities of the Jews 12.5.4, 244-46; 13.14.2, 380; 17.10.10; 20.5.2, 6.2 cf. Jewish Wars 2.5.2, 12.6, 14.9; 20.5.2.

[14] Evans, Craig A. “Jewish Burial Traditions and the Resurrection of Jesus.” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus, vol. 3, no. 2, 2005, pp. 240.

[15] Philo, De Legatione ad Gaium 38, 300. He also records the Jews saying, “the honor of the emperor is not identical with dishonor to the ancient laws... [Emperor] Tiberius is not desirous that any of our laws or customs...be destroyed.” Legatione ad Gaium 301

[16] Philo, de Legatione ad Gaium 305. Josephus, discussing the same incident, says, “[the Romans do not require] their subjects to violate their national laws.” Josephus, Contra Apionem 2.73. These customs/national laws include never “leaving a corpse unburied.” Contra Apionem, 2.211

[17] Antiquities of the Jews 18.59. Full story: Ant. 18.55-59.

[18] Ehrman, Bart D. How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2015., 162.

[19] Antiquities of the Jews 18.60-62.

[20] Josephus, Jewish Wars 4.317

[21] Ibid., 3.377

[22] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 4.265 cf. Philo, Flacc. 83-85, Cicero Verr. 2.5.45

[23] Digesta 48.24.1, 3

[24] Rahmani, L.Y. “A Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries in the Collections of the State of Israel.” Israel Antiquities Authority, 1994., 130, (no. 218) + plate 31.; Zias, Joseph, and James H Charlesworth. “Crucifixion: Archeology, Jesus, and the Dead Sea Scrolls.” Jesus and the Dead Sea Scrolls, edited by James H Charlesworth, Doubleday, 1992, pp. 273–289.

[25] Evans 2005, 242.

[26] Ibid., 243.

[27] Pliny Sr. Nat. Hist. 28.4

[28] Crossan, John Dominic. Who Killed Jesus?: Exposing the Roots of Anti-Semitism in the Gospel Story of the Death of Jesus. HarperOne, 1996., 188.

[29] Magness, Jodi. “Ossuaries and the Burials of Jesus and James.” Journal of Biblical Literature, vol. 124, no. 1, 2005, pp. 144.

[30] Ibid., 144.

[31] Ibid., 144.

[32] Ibid., 144.

[33] Allison, Dale C. Resurrecting Jesus: The Earliest Christian Tradition and Its Interpreters. T & T Clark, 2005., 361.

[34] Ibid., 361.

[35] Evans 2005, 247.

[36] Magness 2005, 149.










Wednesday, November 25, 2020

Ehrman vs. McGrew: Round 1 Review

 I was recently re-watching Tim McGrew's debate with Bart Ehrman on Unbelievable? with Justin Brierley. I wasn't planning on blogging today, but when I heard Ehrman's misleading arguments, I had to write down some replies. 

(You can listen to it here)

1: Ehrman claims the first mention of Gospel authorship is by Irenaeus c. 180. This is such a simplistic reading, & is only true of Luke. Here is a list of when, and who, mention the Gospels by name: 

Mark- Papias (100), Justin Martyr (155), Irenaeus (175), Clement of Alexandria (195), Muratorian Fragment (late second century) Matthew- Papias (100), Gospel of Thomas 13 (140-180), Apollinaris (175), Irenaeus (175), Clement of Alexandria (195), Muratorian Fragment (late second century) John- Papias (100), Ptolemy (150-175), Heracleon (150-175), Acts of John (150-200), Irenaeus (175), Hegesippus (175), Theophilus of Antioch (180), Polycrates (190), Clement of Alexandria (195), Muratorian Fragment (late second century), Act of Peter and the Twelve (200)

(I am thankful to my friend Chris for the above) 

2: Ehrman claims Justin Martyr doesn't quote John. This is questionable. He neglects to mention C.E. Hill's study on the topic, which you can read here. To my knowledge, Hill isn't some fringe scholar, he is mainstream. I wonder why Ehrman doesn't mention this? Maybe because he teaches at a seminary?

3: Ehrman goes on to say that the Gospels are quoted anonymously by all of our earliest writings. Dr. McGrew goes on to point out (rightly) that the same is done with Paul's letters. But, lets crank up McGrew's argument up a notch. Notice those same sources Ehrman goes to, do the same exact type of citation with the Old Testament! Some examples include: 

1 Clement 4:1- "For so it is writtenAnd it came to pass after certain days that
Cain brought of the fruits of the earth a sacrifice unto God, and
Abel he also brought of the firstlings of the sheep and of their
fatness." (Italics mine)

1 Clement 4:6- "And Cain said unto Abel his brother, Let us go over unto the plain.
And it came to pass, while they Were in the plain, that Cain rose up
against Abel his brother and slew him."
(Italics mine)

1 Clement 8:4-5- "and He added also a merciful judgment: Repent ye, O house of
Israel, of your iniquity; say unto the sons of My people, Though
your sins reach from the earth even unto the heaven, and though
they be redder than scarlet and blacker than sackcloth, and ye turn
unto Me with your whole heart and say Father, I will give ear unto
you as unto a holy people. 
And in another place He saith on this wise, Wash, be ye clean. Put away your iniquities from your souls out of My sight. Cease from your iniquities; learn to do good; seek out judgment; defend him that is wronged: give judgment for the orphan, and execute righteousness for the widow; and come and let us reason together, saith He; and though your sins be as crimson, I will make them white as snow; and though they be as scarlet, I will make them white as wool. And if ye be willing and will hearken unto Me, ye shall eat the good things of the earth; but if ye be not willing, neither hearken unto Me, a sword shall devour you; for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken these things." (Italics original)

Ehrman is simply misleading the audience here. You can look at the rest of the 1st century corpus here

4: Ehrman claims McGrew is appealing to authority when bringing up Martin Hengel. However, some how, Ehrman fails to realize that all McGrew is doing here is stating where he originally got the argument from. 

5: Ehrman simply resorts to weasel words when pressed on the Gospels being formally anonymous. He was very clearly using it as an argument against traditional authorship. However, I will make a few points.

a) No doubt some Greco-Roman (GR) historians/biographers identify themselves in the text, but the Gospels aren't modeled on these texts. They imitate the Old Testament history books in this regard (though not only in this way.)

b) The Old Testament history books are also formally anonymous!

c) With respect to a), lets assume the Gospel authors are trying to do the exact same thing as the elite GR historian, Xenophon does writes about himself in 3rd person, even though he is a direct eyewitness! 

Xenophon, Anabasis 3.1- “There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athenian, who accompanied the army neither as a general nor as a captain nor as a private soldier; but Proxenos, an old acquaintance, had sent for him.” 

Simon Gathercole, in his 2018 paper The Alleged Anonymity Of The Canonical Gospels (p. 11 fn. 37 & 38) cites 4 Roman historians, Sallust, Livy, Tacitus & Florus. According to Gathercole, none of them identify themselves in their texts. 

5: Ehrman claims that McGrew is simply assuming the Christian tradition is correct. Well, prof. McGrew, looks like all those Friday nights you spent in the library as a teenager were just a waste! Pack it up!

On a serious note, secularism isn't objectivity. If anything, he is more biased in his research, given he is on record as saying a miracle is the least probable explanation, he needs to throw out quite a number of events from antiquity!

6: Ehrman claims that the early Christians had strong theological reasons for attributing the Gospels to their respective author, but what is the theological reason for naming Mark and Luke the authors of their respective Gospels? This alone cuts against Ehrman's assertion. 

7: McGrew calls out Ehrman's bluff on his repetitious appeal to 'critical scholars'. On a side note, does Ehrman not count the likes of Bauckham, Hengel, Keener, Gathercole, et al as serious scholars? Like McGrew said "...critical scholars as in the ones that agree with you?"

8: Ehrman acts as if McGrew does not know anything about NT scholarship.

a) McGrew has access to the same books & articles Ehrman does. 

b) McGrew is associated with several erudite scholars that are in the apologetics field as well. 

9: Ehrman rambles about harmonization, yet never provides an argument against its legitimacy. 

The rest of the debate goes on to issues of alleged contradictions in the narratives, but that is old fare, and Ehrman's examples have been addressed numerous times. Two recent posts by Jonathan McLatchie come to mind, here & here.