Showing posts with label jobapologetics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label jobapologetics. Show all posts

Sunday, January 22, 2023

Acts 4:13 and the Authorship of the Fourth Gospel

 Acts 4:13 and the Authorship of the Fourth Gospel

Introduction

Critics of the Gospel of John insinuate that John, son of Zebedee would not be able to produce such a work since he was a poor fisherman in lower Palestine.[1] In addition to that, Bart Ehrman cites biblical evidence (Acts 4:13) that John (and Peter) was (were) “unlettered” or “illiterate.”[2] In this blog post I will demonstrate why this is a questionable argument and give several reasons as to why John producing the Fourth Gospel is no problem in light of this issue.

 

The meaning of ἀγράμματοί 

 The word ἀγράμματοί is often translated as literally “un-lettered” due to its etymology.[3] However, etymology does not determine the meaning of a word, context does. Paul Rhodes Eddy and Greg A. Boyd note, “[t]he term agrammatoi need imply nothing more than that these two [John and Peter] never received a formal education...”[4] Moreover, ἀγράμματος links to formal rabbinic training since γράμματα relates to the Law (cf. Rom 2:27, 29; 7:6; 2 Cor 3:6; John 7:15).[5]

 Before we delve into additional points on John’s literacy, it must be pointed out that the assumption that because John was a Galilean fisherman he wouldn’t have been able to write the Fourth Gospel is erroneous. Fishermen could actually be quite prominent in society. Craig Keener notes

fishermen were hardly peasants, ranking instead with tax-gatherers, carpenters, and artisans as a sort of middle-income group that comprised much of the upper 10 percent of wage earning in antiquity (of which merchants and land-owning aristocracy were but a small fraction.[6]

Therefore, it is plausible that John would have the financial means to receive some kind of basic education in reading and writing during his childhood or early teenage years.

 Additional Points

It should be pointed out that John would most likely have scribes and editors to help him with his writings.[7] Josephus, even though he was literate, still had difficulties with writing his books and speaking the Greek language.[8] Josephus used scribes to help him with him learn the Greek language and to compose his books in Greek.[9] Additionally, the Greek style of John is not that advanced, especially compared to other New Testament books such as Luke-Acts and James.[10]

For the sake of argument, let’s suppose that John was in fact illiterate in Acts 4. By the time he would be allegedly writing the Fourth Gospel, four to six decades would have passes given him time to learn how to read and write. Rabbi Akiva, one of the most famous rabbis and compilers of the Talmud was completely illiterate until he was 40 years old.[11] Keener deals with objections that John would be too old to produce a literary work like the Fourth Gospel.[12]

 Conclusion

Whiles this of course does not show John, son of Zebedee is the author of the Fourth Gospel, I think the argument from Acts 4:13 is a very poor argument against traditional authorship for this Gospel. For anyone looking for a positive case for traditional authorship of the Fourth Gospel, see here.



[1] Ehrman, Bart D. Jesus, Interrupted: Revealing the Hidden Contradictions in the Bible. HarperOne, 2010., 105.  

[2] Ibid., 105. Ehrman on his blog elaborates more: “It should come as no surprise that Peter could not write Greek (or Aramaic, for that matter).  As it turns out, there is New Testament evidence about Peter’s education level.  According to Acts 4:13, both Peter and his companion John, also a fisherman, were agrammatoi, a Greek word that literally means “unlettered,” that is, “illiterate.” https://ehrmanblog.org/could-peter-have-written-1-and-2-peter-some-other-way/

[3] The “a” serves as an alpha privative/negative particle, thus negating the “γράμμα” and rendering the word literally “un-lettered.”

[4] Eddy, Paul Rhodes, and Gregory A. Boyd. The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. Baker Academic, 2008., 249-50.  

[5] Keener, Craig. The Gospel of John: A Commentary. Baker Academic, 2010., 712.

 [6] Ibid., 101. It should also be noted how John’s family was wealthy enough to have multiple servants (Mark 1:20)

[7] Keener cites Susan Treggiari (Treggiari, Susan. “Jobs in the Household of Livia.” Papers of the British School at Rome, vol. 43, 1975, pp. 48–77 at 50) on the complete secretarial staff of the Roman empress Livia’s household which includes those who took dictation and the copyists and clerks. Keener, John, 101 n. 168.

[8] Josephus, Ant. 1.7; 20.263–264

[9] Josephus, Against Apion 1.50

[10] Keener, John, 102.

[11] “What was the beginning of Rabbi Akiva? It is said: He was forty years old and he had not studied anything...He went...and... appeared before a teacher...Said Rabbi Akiva to him: “Master, teach me Torah.” ...The teacher wrote down “aleph bet” and he learned it; “aleph tav,” and he learned it...” (Avot de Rabbi Natan, Version A, chapter 6). Holtz, Barry W. Rabbi Akiva: Sage of the Talmud. Yale University Press, 2017., 39. D.A. Carson also makes this point in his John commentary (Carson, D.A. The Gospel According to John. William B. Eerdmans, 1991., 74)

[12] Keener, John, 102-3 cites several primary sources that provide anecdotal evidence that people could still be intellectually rigorous in their older years.

Sunday, March 20, 2022

Jesus in Tacitus

                                                        Introduction

In the fifteenth chapter of Cornelius Tacitus’ the Annals, he talks about the famous fire that engulfed Rome in the summer of 64 AD. He pins the blame of the fire on the emperor of the time, Nero.



Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et quaesitissimis poenis adfecit, quos per
flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio
imperitante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat; repressaque in
praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpebat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem
eius mali, sed per urbem etiam

“Consequently, to get rid of the report, Nero fastened the guilt and inflicted the most exquisite tortures on a class hated for their abominations, called Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom the name had its origin, suffered the extreme penalty during the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of our procurators, Pontius Pilatus, and a most mischievous superstition, thus checked for the moment, again broke out not only in Judaea, the first source of the evil, but even in Rome, where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their centre and become popular.” [1]

 

From this passage, we learn about the Historical Jesus and Christianity a.) Jesus was executed b.) under Pontius Pilate c.) Christianity began in Judea and d.) Christianity spread around the Roman world.

There are several popular objections to the reliability of Tacitus’ statements on Jesus, which will be addressed in this blog post.

1.1 Forgery



This first objection to Tacitus is, in my opinion, the weakest out of all of the ones we will see in this paper.

John P. Meier, a noted scholar for his five-volume Historical Jesus work the Marginal Jew series, notes, “Despite some feeble attempts to show that this text is a Christian interpolation in Tacitus, the passage is obviously genuine. Not only is it witnessed in all manuscripts of the Annals, the very anti-Christian tone of the text makes Christian origin almost impossible.”[2] Whiles Tacitus is obviously disturbed by the way Nero and his empire treated the Christians, [3] he describes the Christians in a very negative way, one a Christian scribe looking to interpolate a document would not use; he obviously has a deep bias against them. Let’s examine some parts of this passage.

“...a class hated for their abominations, called Christians by the populace.”

“...a most mischievous superstition...”

“...the first source of the evil, but even in Rome, where all things hideous and shameful...”[4]

In addition to that, the founder of this group, Christus (Jesus), suffered the extreme penalty, crucifixion. Whiles this does not refer to crucifixion, the Latin word used for “extreme penalty” is supplicium [5], which specifically refers to capital punishment in the ancient Roman world [6]. Being crucified was seen as totally offensive and humiliating. The late Martin Hengel in his study on crucifixion in the ancient world says, “[t]he instances given so far [of crucifixion] have been an attempt to show that for the men of the ancient world...the cross was not just a matter of indifference, just any kind of death. It was an utterly offensive affair, ‘obscene’ in the original sense of the word.[7]” This would lead to Tacitus having even more of a reason to despise the Christian group, because of their leader’s violent and embarrassing death.

As mentioned before, no Christian scribe would use such terrible language to describe their own religion [8]. Any theory that proposes a Christian scribe were to impersonate being a pagan insulting Christianity to “cover up their tracks” is ad hoc and has literally no evidence.

In addition to that, the passage matches the normal technique and content of Tacitean style [9] and this whole pericope fits well into the context of the burning of Rome.

For these reasons, it seems very unlikely that this passage is a forgery or interpolation added by a zealous Christian scribe.

1.2 Hearsay

Now that we’ve dealt with the forgery argument, let’s deal with the more popular, yet poor, argument of hearsay.

In this section, we’ll take a source critical examination of Tacitus, although before we can get into that we must answer an objection: does Tacitus mentioning Jesus’ title imply his use of hearsay and impeach the reliability of Annals 15.44?

I’m going to have to answer in the negative here. First of all, this passage is focused on the origin of the Christian movement, not necessarily of Jesus. Tacitus wants to explain the origin of Christianity.

As scholars Gregory Boyd and Paul Rhodes Eddy point out, “Tacitus only mentions ‘Christ’ in order to explain the origin of the term ‘Christians.’ A reference to ‘Jesus’ at this point would not have explained the term ‘Christian’ and thus would have been completely beside this point.”[10]

Murray Harris, a New Testament exegete and theologian, notes the connection of Christ’s fate with the persecuted Christians through the Latin word adficere. “Christians were ‘punished [poenis adfeict] in the most unusual ways’ by Nero and that Christ ‘had been executed [supplico adfectus erat]' by Pilate.[11]” Basically, the reason Tacitus uses “Christus” instead of Jesus is because he was linking them together and wanted to inform his audience of the origin of the name Christians. Now, let’s take a look at Tacitus’ sources.

Unlike modern historians, ancient historians did not cite their sources with footnotes or bibliographies, although this does not necessarily affect the reliability of Tacitus.

Robert Mellor, a prominent Tacitean scholar, points out, “...Tacitus makes it clear that he indeed do research, and, regarding accuracy as important, be distrusts many of the written sources [of that day]".[12]

Tacitus was a careful historian who made his disdain for hearsay quite clear. One passage, Tacitus says, “in my case the reason for transmitting and criticizing the rumor was that on the basis of a resounding example I [Tacitus] might dispel false hearsay and ask of those into whose hands my work comes that they should not be hungry to accept well publicized incredulities nor prefer them to what is genuine and uncorrupted by the miraculous" [13].

In occasion, Tacitus did in fact appeal to hearsay as a source, but he always makes sure to mention it and he usually distances himself from the report. For example, he says, “In transmitting Drusus’ death I have recorded what has been recalled by most authors and those of the greatest credibility; but I am not inclined to neglect from those same times a rumor so effective that it has not yet abated.”[14] He says this about a scurrilous rumor on Emperor Tiberius poisoning his own son, Drusus, before dismissing it: “this was bandied about in public, but beyond the fact that it is affirmed in no reliable author, you can readily refute it" [15]. 

  Another example can be seen in this passage describing Drusus and his interactions with gladiators:

    Drusus presided over a show of gladiators which he gave in his own name and in that of his brother Germanicus, for he gloated intensely over bloodshed, however cheap its victims. This was alarming to the populace, and his father had, it was said, rebuked him. Why Tiberius kept away from the spectacle was variously explained. According to some, it was his loathing of a crowd, according to others, his gloomy temper, and a fear of contrast with the gracious presence of Augustus. I cannot believe that he deliberately gave his son the opportunity of displaying his ferocity and provoking the people's disgust, though even this was said. [16]


I’m not saying Tacitus was a perfect historian because he is known to fabricate speeches, but in general he was an excellent, meticulous historian who paid close attention to his sources.

Regarding Annals 15.44, Van Voorst points out that Tacitus didn’t use the New Testament as a source. He points out how no literary or oral dependence can be connected between Tacitus’ passage and the Gospels [17]. It is equally unlikely he used any Christian source due to his hatred of the Christians (see 1.1).

It is also possible that Tacitus had access to official documents referring to Jesus. Tacitus uses the Senate archives, the Acta Senatus, twice in his work (Annals 5.4; 15.74), and further use of them is implied with his detailed reports of Senate activities. It is also possible that Jesus was mentioned in other sources such as the Roman public libraries, biographies, letters, speeches and in the Acta Diurna (a daily gazette).

Since Tacitus did not cite his source for this passage, this is just mere speculation, even if it very plausible. Regardless of his source, Tacitus clearly—in my judgement at least—gives independent information on Jesus in his Annals passage.

1.3 Procurator-Prefect Objection

Until Claudius in 41 AD, each provincial governor was referred to as a “prefect” but Tacitus uses the term “procurator” to describe the title of Pontius Pilate in his section of the Annals between 29 AD and 32 AD, thus making an anachronism. The proper title for Pilate during this particular time period is prefect.

However, skeptics are being overly critical when they suppose this passage is unreliable primarily because of this alleged error. I think this a gross exaggeration for several reasons. There is good ancient evidence to conclude that these terms were often used interchangeably in the first and second century.

For example, an inscription discovered at Caesarea Martina gave Pilate the correct title of prefect [18]. However, both Philo of Alexandria (Legat. 38) and Josephus (Jewish Wars 2.9.2) refer to him as procurator just as Tacitus does. In fact, Josephus uses these terms fluidly.

Josephus calls two different governors Cuspius Fadus (c. 44-46) and Porcius Festus (c. 59-61) by both terms.[19]

M.J. Harris remarks: 
it seems reasonable to suppose that there was a certain fluidity of terminology regarding the titles of the governor of Judea, at least in popular usage, during the period A.D. 6-66, but that from A.D. 6-41 the titles ‘praefectus’ or ‘pro legato’ [prefect] predominated, while after the reconstitution of the province, from A.D. 44-46 the term procurator...became the common designation. During both periods....the unofficial term ‘governor’...was also used, as it is in the New Testament of Pilate... and other Roman officials governing Judea...We can scarcely accuse Tacitus...of being inaccurate or ill-informed on this point.” [20]
 

In conclusion, the procurator-prefect objection holds no substance and should not be taken seriously as an argument against Annals 15.44’s reliability as a source.

1.4 Conclusion

None of the popular objections against Cornelius Tacitus’ Annals 15.44 hold up to scrutiny, so we are reasonable to conclude that this passage relays independent historical information that documents Jesus and early Christianity.



[2] Meier, John P. A Marginal Jew: Rethinking the Historical Jesus: The Roots of the Problem and the Person. vol. 1, Doubleday, 1991., 90.   

[3] “Accordingly, an arrest was first made of all who pleaded guilty; then, upon their information, an immense multitude was convicted, not so much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind. Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly illumination, when daylight had expired.” In addition to that, early church tradition has Paul and Peter martyred in Rome by decapitation and crucifixion, respectfully. For more on the fate of the apostles, see McDowell, Sean. Fate of the Apostles: Examining the Martyrdom Accounts of the Closest Followers of Jesus. 1st ed., Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2015.

[4] Later in the passage Tacitus describes their crimes as “hatred against mankind.”

[5] P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 1882–83 cf. Webb, Robert L. “The Roman Examination and Crucifixion of Jesus: Their Historicity and Implications.” Bock, Darrell L and Robert L. Webb eds. Key Events in the Life of the Historical Jesus: A Collaborative Exploration of Context and Coherence., Mohr Siebeck 2009., 668.

[6] Cicero, Verrem 2.5.168-69 cf. Philo, In Flaccum 72

 [7] Hengel, Martin. Crucifixion in the Ancient World and the Folly of the Message of the Cross. Fortress Press, 1977., 23.  

[8] “...no Christian forgers would have made such disparaging remarks about Christianity as we have in Annals 15.44...” Van Voorst, Robert E. Jesus Outside The New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. W.B. Eerdmans Pub., 2000., 43.  

 [9] Van Voorst, Jesus Outside The New Testament., 43.

[10] Eddy, Paul Rhodes, and Gregory A. Boyd. The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. Baker Academic, 2008. PDF File., 157.

 [11] Harris, Murray. “References to Jesus in Classical Authors.” in Jesus Traditions Outside the Gospels, ed. by David Wenham, 275-324. Sheffield: Sheffield University Press, 1982.

[12] Mellor, Ronald. Tacitus’ Annals. Oxford University Press, 2011., 23.

[13]Tacitus, Annals 4.11.3

[14] Ibid., 4.10.1

[15] Ibid., 4.11.1

[16] Ibid 1.76 

[17] Van Voorst, Jesus Outside the New Testament, 49

[18] Maier, Paul L. “The Inscription on the Cross of Jesus of Nazareth.” Hermes, vol. 124, no. 1, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1996, pp. 58 cf. Frova, A. L'Iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato a Cesarea, Rendiconti Istituto Lombardo 95, 1961, 419-43.

[19] Fadusà Ant. 19.9.2 § 363, 20.1.1.2 §2; 1.2 §14 Festusà Ant. 20.8.11 §193; Jewish War 2.14.1 §27

[20] Harris, Murray J. “References to Jesus in Classical Authors”, 349-50. 

.


Thursday, February 24, 2022

Resolving Alleged Historical Errors: On the Burial of Jesus

 Resolving Alleged Historical Errors: Jesus’ Burial Dilemma

Introduction

In this blog, I will be defending the proper burial of Jesus by using historical and archeological evidence. A common objection hurled at the Gospels’ passion and resurrection narratives regards Jesus’ body after his death by crucifixion. Anyone familiar with Roman burial practices would know that the bodies of crucifixion victims were usually left on the cross for days and eventually dumped into a mass, unmarked grave. However, this theory ignores Roman peacetime administration policies with the Jews and relevant archeological evidence. I will neither presuppose nor argue the theological inspiration or inerrancy of the Biblical text; it will be treated like any other historical source. I will be steel manning the skeptical position by using two critical historians, but before I do this, I want to take a look at why proper burial was important to the Jews.

The Importance of Proper Burial in Ancient Jewish Culture

Craig Evans says concerning proper burial in the Mediterranean World, “[i]n the Mediterranean world of late antiquity proper burial of the dead was regarded as sacred duty, especially so in the culture and religion of the Jewish people.”[1] Evans gives two reasons in support of this statement. The first reason for practicing proper burial was, “for the sake of the dead themselves.” This is abundantly clear in the Hebrew Scriptures. For example, Abraham purchased a cave for the burial of his wife, Sarah [3], Jacob’s body was taken to Canaan to be buried in a tomb [4], King David congratulated his men for burying Saul and his sons [5], and individual criminals required to be buried before sunset [6]. As can be seen, the early Israelites respected proper burial and even bestowed it on criminals and enemies. People not being buried was actually seen as a sign of sin and divine judgment [7].

This emphasis on proper burial was also seen in contemporary Jewish sources to Jesus. For example, the Jewish writer Philo of Alexandria describes several stories where he highlights the importance of proper burial. In the fictional creation of Jacob’s grief over the report of his son Joseph’s alleged death, he says that having Joseph’s body to bury would have comforted Jacob more [8]. Another one of his works, the book of Tobit, Tobit’s greatest virtues are burying the dead.[9]

A second reason why Jews buried the dead was to avoid corruption of the land of Israel. Quoting from Deuteronomy 22: 22-23, it reads, “And if a man has committed a crime punishable by death and he is put to death, and you hang him on a tree, his body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but you shall bury him the same day, for a hanged man is accursed by God; you shall not defile your land which the Lord your God gives you for an inheritance.” In addition to this, Ezekiel 39:14, 16 says, “They will set apart men to pass through the land continually and bury those remaining upon the face of the land, so as to cleanse it...This shall they cleanse the land.” This tradition was still pertinent during the turn of the era as seen in the Temple Scroll: “If a man is a traitor...you are to hang him on a tree until dead...if a man is convinced of a capital crime...you are to hang him, also, upon a tree until dead...but you must not let their bodies remain on the tree overnight; you shall most certainly bury them that very day...you are not to defile the land...”[10] In conclusion of this first section, proper burial was of utmost importance to Jews.

The Negative Argument

Now that we’ve shown why the Jews felt very strongly about proper burial, let’s take a look at a critical scholar’s objections. Bart Ehrman argues against Jesus being granted a proper burial. He provides five primary sources for crucifixion victims being left on the cross way after their deaths [11] and a further four sources for mass, unmarked graves for crucifixion victims.[12] In addition to that we have several examples of Jewish crucifixion victims being left unburied.[13]

However, the problem with these primary sources is that they either don’t talk about practices in Judea or are examples of wartime. Roman peacetime administration in Palestine allowed Jews to practice their own customs and beliefs. The primary sources of Jews being left unburied are a result of rebellion or war. As Craig Evans notes, “[m]ost of these cases involve open rebellion and armed conflict, on the one hand, or mob actions and anarchy, on the other. None of these cases can be said to be ‘normal’ or ‘typical’ of peacetime Roman administration. These cases are exceptional and involve desperate attempts to gain or retake control and/or terrorize civilian populations.”[14] We have good evidence that Romans respected Jewish customs during peacetime.

For example, Philo records an episode where the Roman government put eagle emblems on their shields. This offended the Jews and they “appealed to Pilate to redress the infringement of their traditions caused by the shields and not to disturb the customs which throughout all the preceding ages had been safeguarded without disturbance by kings and by emperors."[15] However, since Pilate was stubborn, he still did not succumb to the Jewish people’s wishes. This led them to write a letter of complaint to Emperor Tiberius himself. After reading the letter, Tiberius became very angry with Pilate and “immediately, without putting anything off till the next day, wrote a letter...commanding him [Pilate] to take down the shields...”[16] Josephus records another incident with Pilate when he attempted to impose Roman standards on the Jewish people by bringing images of the Emperor into Jerusalem. Josephus explains how the previous Roman leaders never attempted to do any of that out of respect for Jewish law (in this case Exodus 20:4). When the Jewish people resisted Pilate, he sent an armed Roman battalion to surround and murder the Jews. In response, they fell to the ground and refused to back down, saying they would rather die than have their laws broken. Josephus records that Pilate was, “astonished at the strength of their devotion to the laws, straight away removed the images from Jerusalem.”[17]

Interestingly enough, Ehrman uses this last passage as evidence Pilate wasn’t willing to respect Jewish sensitivities. Ehrman claims that, “Pilate realized he could not murder such masses in cold blood...[and] ordered the standards removed...”[18] The problem with this interpretation is that the text simply does not say that. Ehrman has to purposefully misread the text to fit this conclusion, and this is a poor example of how people should exegete historical texts. In addition to that (and Ehrman knows this because he cites this same passage on the same page!), Josephus in the same chapter and next pericope says that Pilate had his soldiers disguise as Jews and attack the people after they got angry at him for taking their money from their temple. Josephus records many Jews being killed in the onslaught or by being trampled.[19] Pilate did learn to respect Jewish laws, but he certainly was not afraid to get his hands dirty, so Ehrman’s argument falls apart.

Burial of Crucifixion Victim Records

We have several Jewish sources recording crucifixion victims granted proper burial. In Jewish Wars, Josephus notes, “...the Jews are so careful about funeral rites that even malefactors who have been sentenced to crucifixion are taken down and buried before sunset.”[20] Again, in Jewish Wars, “...our laws determine that the bodies of such [criminals] as kill themselves should be exposed till the sunset, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies.”[21] In the Antiquities of the Jews, he says, “Let burial be given even to your enemies.”[22]

In addition to that, we also have Roman records allowing proper burial. According to the Digesta, a compilation of Roman law and justice code, “The bodies of those who are condemned to death should not be refused their relatives; and the Divine Augustus, in the Tenth Book of his Life, said that this rule had been observed. At present, the bodies of those who have been punished are only buried when this has been requested and permission granted; and sometimes it is not permitted, especially where persons have been convicted of high treason...the bodies of persons who have been punished should be given to whoever requests them for the purpose of burial.”[23]

We have a plethora of Jewish and Roman sources that attest to capital punishment criminals receiving proper burial or being returned to family members.

Archeological Evidence

Not only do we have outstanding historical evidence, but we also have excellent archeological evidence to support the proper burial hypothesis.

In 1968, archeologists discovered an ossuary (ossuary no. 4 in Tomb 1, at Giv‘at ha-Mivtar) belonging to a crucified man called Yehohanan.[24] The ossuary dates to the late 20s CE, during the administration of Pilate, the same governor who tried and executed Jesus.[25] An 11.5 cm iron spike was found in his right heel bone. After a forensic examination of Yehohanon’s skeletal remains, it has been confirmed that he died with his arms apart on a horizontal beams or tree branch.[26]

Interestingly enough, there is no evidence that his arms or wrists were nailed to a cross bream. However, as seen in Pliny the Elder, crucifixion victims were sometimes bound to the cross with ropes and not nails.[27] Yehohanon’s legs were broken, but the cause is still heavily debated. If it was before his death, his legs were probably broken to hasten his death, which is called crurifragium.

 John Dominic Crossan objects to this evidence by saying, “I keep thinking of all those other thousands of Jews crucified around Jerusalem in that terrible first century from among whom we have found only one skeleton and one nail. I think I know what happened to their bodies, and I have no reason to think Jesus’ body did not join them.”[28] Jodi Magness does not agree with Crossan’s objection. She says, “In fact, the exact opposite is the case: the discovery of the identifiable remains of even a single victim of crucifixion is exceptional. Crossan’s assumption that we should have the physical (archeological) remains of additional crucified victims is erroneous for several reasons.”[29]

Magness argues, “First, with one exception (the repository in the late Iron Age cemetery at Ketef Hinmon), not a single undisturbed tomb in Jerusalem has ever been discovered and excavated by archeologists.”[30] This means that even in tombs that contain original remains, the skeletons are often disturbed or damaged, which means confirming Yehohanan was crucified is a miracle in of itself.

Magness continues, “Second, the Jerusalem elite who owned rock-cut family tombs with ossuaries favored the preservation of the status quo through accommodation with the Romans.”[31] This means that the majority of crucifixion victims would be buried in regular tombs, not the nice, high quality rock-cut tombs, which leads us back to Magness’ first argument since the regular tombs would not protect the bodies from centuries worth of erosion.

Magness concludes her objections by saying, “thirdly, and most important, the nail in Yehohanon’s heel was preserved only by a fluke.”[32]Dale Alisson explains why this is an important piece of evidence. He says, “the only reason we know that Yehohanan...was crucified is that a nail in his right heel bone could not be removed from the wood: it was stuck in a knot.”[33] Had it not been for the nail being located where it was, soldiers would have pulled the nail out and we would never have known that he had been crucified.

In addition to that, Alisson agrees with Pliny the Elder by saying, “...many victims were surely tied up rather than nailed, so we would not recognize them as having been crucified.”[34] Dr. Evans adds, “...many crucifixion victims were scourge, beaten, and then tied to the cross, not nailed. Thus, skeletal remains would leave no trace of trauma of crucifixion.”[35]

Conclusion

In conclusion, the historical and archeological data shows that Jesus would have been granted proper burial after his gruesome death by crucifixion. For an in-depth examination for the historicity of the burial narrative, see Alisson 2005, 352-363.

I will conclude this paper with a good quote from Jodi Magness: “...the Gospel accounts describing Jesus’ removal from the cross and burial accord well with archeological evidence and with Jewish law.”[36]
























[1] Evans, Craig A. “Jewish Burial Traditions and the Resurrection of Jesus.” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus, vol. 3, no. 2, 2005, pp. 234.

[2] Ibid., 234.

[3] Genesis 23: 4-19

[4] Genesis 50: 4-14

[5] 1 Samuel 31: 12-13; 2 Samuel 21: 12-14

[6] Deuteronomy 21: 22-23; see also Numbers 11: 33-34, 1 Kings 11:15

[7] Deut. 28:25-26; 1 Kgs. 14: 11, 21. 24; Jer. 7:33, 8:2, cf. 14:16, 16.4; Ps. 79:2-3; Ezek. 29:5

[8] Philo, De Iosepho 22-25. "Child, it is not your death that grieves me, but the manner of it. If you had been buried in your own land, I should have been comforted and watched and nursed your sick-bed, exchanged the last farewells as you died, closed your eyes, wept over your body as it lay there, given it a costly funeral and left none of the customary rites undone...And, indeed, if you had to die by violence or through premeditation, it would have been a lighter ill to me, slain as you would have been by human beings, who would have pitied their dead victim, gathered some dust and covered the corpse. And then if they had been the cruelest of men, what more could they have done but cast it out unburied and go their way, and then perhaps some passer-by would have stayed his steps, and, as he looked, felt pity for our common nature and deemed the custom of burial to be its due."

[9] Philo, Book of Tobit, 1.18-20; 2.3-8; 4.3-4; 6.15; 14.10-13

[10] 11QT 64.7-13A= 4Q524 frag. 14, lines 2-4

[11] “The vulture hurries from dead cattle and dogs and crosses to bring some of the carrion to her offspring” Juvenal, Satires 14.77-78.

“You shall not therefore feed the carrion crows on the cross” Horace, Epistles 1.16.46-48

“a crucified man is raised high and his substance is sufficient to keep many birds” Artemidorus, Dream Book 2.53

“hung...alive for the wild beasts and birds of prey” inscription Caria quoted in Hengel 1977, 76.

“...a bit of gallows humor in the Satyricon of Petronius, a one-time advisor to the emperor Nero, a crucified victim being left for days on the cross (chaps. 11-12) pg. 158

Ehrman, Bart D. How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2015., 157-158.

[12] “It was general law that temple-robbers should be cast forth without burial” Diodorus Siculus, Library of History 16.25.2

“[anyone who suffered] at the hands of the state for a crime...[was] denied burial, so that in the future there may be no trace of a wicked man” Dio Chrysostom, Discourses 31.85

“[after criminal begged for burial] Octavian: “The birds will soon settle that question” Suetonius, Augustus 13

“[about criminal committing suicide to avoid execution by state] [he] forfeited his estate and was debarred from burial” Tacitus, Annals 6.29

Ehrman, Bart D. How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2015.,160-161.

[13] Antiquities of the Jews 12.5.4, 244-46; 13.14.2, 380; 17.10.10; 20.5.2, 6.2 cf. Jewish Wars 2.5.2, 12.6, 14.9; 20.5.2.

[14] Evans, Craig A. “Jewish Burial Traditions and the Resurrection of Jesus.” Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus, vol. 3, no. 2, 2005, pp. 240.

[15] Philo, De Legatione ad Gaium 38, 300. He also records the Jews saying, “the honor of the emperor is not identical with dishonor to the ancient laws... [Emperor] Tiberius is not desirous that any of our laws or customs...be destroyed.” Legatione ad Gaium 301

[16] Philo, de Legatione ad Gaium 305. Josephus, discussing the same incident, says, “[the Romans do not require] their subjects to violate their national laws.” Josephus, Contra Apionem 2.73. These customs/national laws include never “leaving a corpse unburied.” Contra Apionem, 2.211

[17] Antiquities of the Jews 18.59. Full story: Ant. 18.55-59.

[18] Ehrman, Bart D. How Jesus Became God: The Exaltation of a Jewish Preacher from Galilee. HarperOne, 2015., 162.

[19] Antiquities of the Jews 18.60-62.

[20] Josephus, Jewish Wars 4.317

[21] Ibid., 3.377

[22] Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 4.265 cf. Philo, Flacc. 83-85, Cicero Verr. 2.5.45

[23] Digesta 48.24.1, 3

[24] Rahmani, L.Y. “A Catalogue of Jewish Ossuaries in the Collections of the State of Israel.” Israel Antiquities Authority, 1994., 130, (no. 218) + plate 31.; Zias, Joseph, and James H Charlesworth. “Crucifixion: Archeology, Jesus, and the Dead Sea Scrolls.” Jesus and the Dead Sea Scrolls, edited by James H Charlesworth, Doubleday, 1992, pp. 273–289.

[25] Evans 2005, 242.

[26] Ibid., 243.

[27] Pliny Sr. Nat. Hist. 28.4

[28] Crossan, John Dominic. Who Killed Jesus?: Exposing the Roots of Anti-Semitism in the Gospel Story of the Death of Jesus. HarperOne, 1996., 188.

[29] Magness, Jodi. “Ossuaries and the Burials of Jesus and James.” Journal of Biblical Literature, vol. 124, no. 1, 2005, pp. 144.

[30] Ibid., 144.

[31] Ibid., 144.

[32] Ibid., 144.

[33] Allison, Dale C. Resurrecting Jesus: The Earliest Christian Tradition and Its Interpreters. T & T Clark, 2005., 361.

[34] Ibid., 361.

[35] Evans 2005, 247.

[36] Magness 2005, 149.