Wednesday, July 6, 2022

The Historicity of Matthew's Guard Narrative




 

The Gospel of Matthew narrates that, after Jesus's burial in Joseph's tomb, concerns are made regarding the security of Christ's body. The Sanhedrin fear that the disciples will steal the body of Jesus and fake His resurrection, and so request guards to be placed in front of the tomb. The guards are stationed in front of the sepulcher on Saturday night as Passover comes to a close. (Matt. 27:62-66) The Gospel later has the guards witness the angel roll the stone away, and report back to the Pharisees that the body has gone missing. The Jewish leaders then bribe the soldiers to keep quiet and say they fell asleep, spreading the story as a counter-apologetic to defend the notion that the disciples faked the resurrection (Matt. 28:11-15).

 

Objections to Historicity

Most non-Christian New Testament scholars reject this story as fictitious, a later-apologetic legend invented by Christians meant to combat the accusation of body theft. This is for several reasons: 1) the story is only mentioned in Matthew and not implied or described in any of the other Gospels, 2) the concern for Jesus's resurrection seems like an ex-eventu prophecy added by Christians, 3) there would be no witnesses to this event, and no way for the author to know of secret conversations held between the Pharisees and the soldiers, and 4) the story is implausible historically and serves better as an apologetic. Other objections pertaining the timing and semantics of the stationing of the guards are also brought up. [1]

The first objection is of little force, only surmounting to an argument from silence. The failure to mention the story in the other Gospels does nothing to establish or hamper the credibility of the story. Given that it is generally agreed that the Synoptic Gospels are interdependent, with John being a bit more removed, it is hard to see how a mention in another Gospel would establish an independent tradition anyway. Indeed, the 2nd century Gospel of Peter also describes a version of the guard story, but given that it is almost certainly dependent on Matthew, this is of little use.

The successive argument that claims the concern for Jesus's resurrection was a motive for the guards' placement and is anachronistic, is also not overly persuasive. While certainly many scholars do not accept that Jesus predicted His death and resurrection, a great many others have argued that the Passion predictions could be historical at their core. [2] Given Jesus's preaching of the imminent eschaton and tribulation, and His preaching of the future vindication of the righteous, it is not wholly unlikely that Jesus envisioned Himself as being martyred in the near future. There are after all frequent examples, even in the modern days, of holy men and spiritualists predicting when they will die. [3] Given that John the Baptist was martyred by Herod only a few years prior to Jesus's untimely death, Christ may have seen His own fate as forthcoming. As will be argued below, there are also precedents in Antiquity for religious movements being started under the belief that the leader of said movement was raised from the dead, sometimes by intentionally faking their death or stealing a body. The idea that the Jewish leaders could have anticipated a superstition of this nature and sought to prevent it, is not difficult to justify historically.

The third point, that the stationing of the guard could not be recounted from a known witness and is thus fictional [4], is not without unmerited assumption. The Gospels do frequently give narratives in which any potential source is of the question, though in other places inferences can be made. A well-known example is Joanna, a female follower of Jesus whose husband, Chuza, was a servant of King Herod (Lk. 8:1-3). Though she is a minor character, she may have been instrumental in passing down the traditions regarding Herod's court that were utilized in the Gospel traditions. It is possible that the conversations between Herod and his servants could have been relayed to the disciples via Joanna given her connections. While this is an inference, it is not an unwarranted one.

Where then did the guard stories originate if they are in fact historical? Matthew 28 mentions the women arriving at the tomb to find the guards nearly fainted, thus establishing the women as potential witnesses. [5] If Peter and John visited the tomb of Jesus to inspect it upon hearing that the body had gone missing (Lk. 24:12; Jn. 20:3-10), would they have not noticed a broken Roman seal? What of the private conversations between the soldiers and the Pharisees in Matthew 27:62-66 and 28:11-15? Here there is a subtle connection; Joseph of Arimathea, the owner of the tomb being guarded, is described as a rich disciple of Jesus (though a secret disciple, cf. Jn. 19:38) in Matthew 27:57. However Joseph was also a member of the Sanhedrin according to Mark 15:43 and Lk. 23:5, which is perfectly consistent with his description of being wealthy. Is it not likely that Joseph would have been present for such dialogues between the other members of the Sanhedrin and the soldiers, especially since the guards were to be placed in front of his own family tomb? If the other Gospels are correct that Joseph was in fact sympathetic to the Jesus movement, it is difficult to imagine how the informant Pharisee would have failed to pass along such a tradition.

The final argument, that the story is suspicious given its apologetic nature, is better than the previous objections but limps upon further examination. The guards' story does not serve well as an apologetic against the theft of the body, for the guards are not even stationed in front of the sepulcher until Saturday evening, meaning that the corpse was left unguarded for a full night. Nor do the guards witness the resurrection of Jesus, only seeing the angel rolling away the stone to reveal that the grave is already empty. Contrast this with the version presented in the Gospel of Peter, where the guards are immediately stationed on the night of burial and place seven seals (Matthew only mentions one seal) to secure the tomb. Likewise, an entire crowd gathers around to see the resurrection unfold in front of their eyes. The elaborate ordination and apologetic fervor of Peter's narrative may very well be due to the author feeling as if Matthew's description did not go far enough to refute the concern of theft. [6]

This rebuttal is not, unlike the tomb of Joseph of Arimathea, air-tight. Matthew 27 is not overly clear as to the security of the tomb at the time of stationing. If the tomb was broken into on Friday night, would not the stone be thrown open and displaced rather than neatly fitted back into the front of the structure? Surely this could have not gone unnoticed. Would the soldiers have not checked to make sure the body was still in the grave Saturday night before sealing the tomb closed, knowing full well that the grave was unsupervised for a full night? If the guards were so incompetent as to fail to consider this, then this would not restore confidence in their ability to prevent theft. The same concern arises with their keenness on accepting bribes. Matthew's story thus presents the guards as either incompetent or dishonest or both. If the guard's stationing on Saturday is indicative of being non-apologetical, then the sheer stupidity of the legion will not assist the Christian in refuting the stolen-body hypothesis. But if the guards took precautions by checking the tomb beforehand and ensuring that the body was still there prior to the end of the Sabbath, then Matthew's narrative works as a Christian apologetic. Either way, much is left to the imagination.

This objection is not as strong as skeptics may argue, but it is also not as defeated as the Christian would like. It is likely enough that the narrative could have apologetic intentions and, while this does not definitively render the story ahistorical, it is an evidential bullet in the critic's arsenal.

There are, in my judgment, better objections that could be surmounted against the historicity of the guard narrative that are not often brought up. The excuse given by the Pharisees for the guards' failure to perform their duties, that they had fallen asleep, would not keep them out of trouble. A Roman soldier who fell asleep on duty would probably have been executed (Acts 16:27). It is unlikely that the soldiers would have gone along with such a statement, even with a bribe. The Devil's Advocate inquires that, if it is the case that the Christians were accused of body theft, as Matt. 28:15 states, why were they never questioned by the local authorities? Even in Acts 4 where Peter and John are arrested and placed in front of the council, they are only pressed on the healing of a beggar. There is no apparent concern for the recent disappearance of Jesus's body in a tomb that belonged to one of the council's own members. [7] Theft of corpses was not taken lightly in Antiquity, and I can only imagine that the members of the council would be less enthused with the idea that someone had broken into a tomb belonging to one of their members and stolen the bodies within it. Perhaps there was not enough evidence to convict the disciples of theft, though if Jesus's trial is anything to go by the Sanhedrin seemed to have no issue illegitimately prosecuting people they disliked in the absence of hard evidence (Mk. 14:56). [7b]

 

Historical Parallels to the Guard Narrative

Given that there are legitimate reasons to doubt the historicity of the guard story, we must now look at the positive arguments on the apologist's side. The semitisms and subversive grammar used in the story is likely not a Matthean invention, but comes from an earlier tradition that Matthew later incorporated. [8] After a detailed analysis of the phraseology in the guard story, Matti Kankaanniemi concludes that, [9]

 

“We have found that only a small part of the suggested Matthean characteristic words and expressions...can convincingly be demonstrated to indicate Matthean redaction. Thus we must conclude that the actual number of Matthean words and expressions in the [guard story] is remarkably lower than what is [normally] assumed...This forces us to reject the arguments for Matthean origin of the [guard story] as based on the number of Matthean words and expressions..."

 

While this argument, if it is accurate, would succeed in showing that the guard story is not constructed by Matthew out of whole cloth, it is still possible that the story is an early tradition that has little basis in history. 

There are no hard proofs for the historicity of the guard story, though there are many factors that enhance its plausibility as being based on a historical event. It is, for example, well-evidenced that Rome was concerned with grave robbing, as seen by the well-known Nazareth Inscription dated to around the time of Christ. Though there is much debate as to whether the inscription originated in Nazareth and if it can be connected with the early Christian movement, [10] the tablet does forbid the stealing of bodies and inflicts the death penalty on anyone caught with disturbing a grave. Body snatching was a capital offense, not merely a trivial misdemeanor.

The Nazareth Inscription



The concern with body-snatching could be due to an incident involving Tiberius that occurred in the early 1st century. Tacitus tells us that a slave named Clemens pretended to be his deceased master Agrippa by stealing his cremated ashes and growing out his hair to resemble him, [11]

 

"A servant of Postumus Agrippa, Clemens by name…stole the ashes of the deceased [his master Agrippa], sailed to Cosa, a promontory of Etruria, and there hid himself in obscure places till his hair and beard were long. In age and figure he was not unlike his master. Then through suitable emissaries who shared his secret, it was rumored that Agrippa was alive, first in whispered gossip, soon, as is usual with forbidden topics, in vague talk which found its way to the credulous ears of the most ignorant people or of restless and revolutionary schemers. "

 

The newly crowned Caesar Tiberius, being a relative of Agrippa, feared that Clemens's impersonation and the following that he gained from it could start an insurrection and threaten his power. Thus Tiberius ordered Clemens to be captured and eventually executed.

Incidents like this were more prevalent than one would expect. When Emperor Nero committed suicide in 68 AD, many rumored that he would return to try to claim Rome. For the next several decades, at least 3 men physically resembling in distant regions of the Roman Empire claimed to be the dead emperor and managed to gain a following before eventually being exposed as frauds. [12] Centuries earlier, a Thracian cult formed around the character Zalmoxis, who had dug an underground residence and lived there for three years in hiding. His devoted followers thought he had been killed. Zalmoxis returned to them on the fourth year and explained to them that he had risen from the dead. [13] More relevant is John the Baptist, a Jewish teacher contemporary with Jesus who was executed by Herod Agrippa after being seen as a political threat. Some in Herod's courts rumored that John may have in fact been revived from the grave (Mk. 6:14-16).

Emperor Tiberius and the governors under his rule were certainly familiar with many of these cults and the potential threats they may have posed. They may have very well been concerned with future movements of this kind cropping up, and surely the concern of a miracle-working Rabbi (especially one who predicted His own death, resurrection, and eventual rule as a king) who had a large following could be seen as a threat directly parallel to Clemens. It is not unlikely that Pilate, in hearing the concerns of the Sanhedrin that the Jesus movement might take a similar turn, would have sought to take precautions. Indeed, only a few years later, Pilate would take military action against a group of armed Samaritans led by an individual claiming to be the reincarnation of Moses. [14]

 

Adding on to this is that the execution and burial of Jesus occurred on Passover, a time in which tensions were exceptionally high and the potential of an insurrection was always present. The holiday celebrated the Jewish people's freedom from Egyptian slavery, and so many Jews were quite zealous in being reminded of their current subjugation to their Roman oppressors. It is in part for this reason that Passover had a very blood history of violent revolts and sieges over the years,

  • 65 BC- Jerusalem is sieged by King Aretas during Passover. [15]
  • 4 BC- Around the eve of Passover a large group of Jewish rebels and zealots get into a bloody fight with the soldiers of King Herod Archelaus, in order to protest the king's abuse of power. The riot gets so bad that Herod's entire army is sent in. Around 3,000 people were killed, and the rest of Passover was essentially cancelled [16]
  •  50 AD- Roman soldiers gather around the temple on Passover in order to control the expected crowds and prevent uprisings. One soldier crudely exposes himself to the crowd of Jews, which they take not only as an insult to their people but to God Himself. The Jews hurl insults and threats to the Romans, which results in a violent encounter. Many people try to flee the chaos of the crowd but are trampled to death by the thousands trying to escape the incident.[17]
  • 68 AD- Jewish rebels known as the Sicarii invade the city of En Gedi and massacre many people there on Passover.[18]

Precautions were taken on Passover to prevent such frequent revolts. Josephus, in describing actions being taken to secure Jerusalem in 50 AD, notes that this was the standard procedure carried out by previous governors, [19]

 

"When the feast called the Passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to serve unleavened bread, a great multitude gathered together for it from all parts. Cumanus was afraid lest an attempt at resolution by prompted by their presence, so he ordered one company of soldiers to take their weapons and stand guard in the porticoes of the Temple to repress any attempts of rebellion that might begin. Indeed, this was what previous procurators of Judaea had done at such festivals."

 

Pilate, in having just executed a popular teacher on Passover Eve, could have not failed to see how the fervor of the event could have potentially sparker would-be insurrectionists. It was already standard precedent to heighten security around Jerusalem for the holiday, and so it is not improbable to suggest that procurator was concerned with followers of Jesus attempting to protest his execution by stealing his corpse, venerating the grave, or starting a riot around Passover. If Roman guards could be stationed at the Temple to secure it for Passover, is it really a stretch to think that soldiers may be ordered to supervise a site which could be the subject of much veneration?

 

Indeed, veneration of tombs would probably have been a concern. It was common practice for residents of Israel to adorn the graves of prophets and martyrs as shrines. Jesus alludes to this practice in Matt. 23:29 and Lk. 11:47, and it is implied in Acts 2:29. The death of Jesus could not have failed to elicit widespread street gossip through the streets of Jerusalem, with everyone curious as to what had become of the Rabbi and His followers (cf. Lk. 24:18). Surely curious residents and passersby would ask around to see if the could visit the tomb outside the walls of the city. Could Rome have been concerned that a rowdy group of disgruntled followers may try to visit the grave, venerate the tomb, or steal the body? There is some indication that Rome was less than enthused about the idea of Christians venerating the grave of a seditious criminal; Christians allegedly venerated the site of Jesus's grave until the early second century, when Emperor Hadrian built a temple dedicated to the Roman god Jupiter atop the sepulcher in order to show his dominance over the cults of Christians that remained in Jerusalem following the war. This site later went on to become the Church of the Holy Sepulchre when Constantine constructed a Christian place of worship where the temple had been. 

 

In summary, the story of the guard as narrated in Matthew is both memorable and mysterious. While there are elements that raise issues with the event's historicity, so also are there hints of verisimilitude that contextually add plausibility to the narrative:

 

1. Roman law established harsh penalties for grave robbery.

2. Roman rulers, including both Pontius Pilate and Caesar Tiberius, had experience with dealing revolts and movements that arose from stolen bodies and impersonation. 

3. Passover was notoriously a time for high-security and many areas in Jerusalem were secured with soldiers to prevent potential uprisings. 

4. Tomb veneration of martyrs was common, and later on Rome would attempt to halt shrines being built on top of the site where Jesus was allegedly buried. 

 

The guard story cannot be demonstrated to be historically true, but nor can it be rendered as highly unlikely given the verisimilitude found in the Roman-Jewish context of the day. One's conviction as to the credibility of the narrative rests on their view of Matthew's general reliability.

 

References

[1] Michael Alter brings up objections regarding the hiring of Gentile soldiers in The Resurrection: A Critical Inquiry. Xlibris, 2015, pg. 337-343, among other points. For Alter's exchange with apologist and philosopher Timothy McGrew, see http://theskepticalzone.com/wp/why-there-probably-wasnt-a-guard-at-jesus-tomb/. Others have argued that mimesis regarding parallels to Daniel 6 implies historicized fiction on Matthew's part, see Carrier, Richard C. "The Guarded Tomb of Jesus and Daniel in the Lion's Den: An Argument for the Plausibility of Theft." The Journal of Higher Criticism 8, no. 2 (2001): 304-318.
[2] For a defense of the historicity of the Passion predictions, see the following; 
Evans, Craig “Did Jesus Predict His Death and Resurrection?” in S. E. Porter, M. A. Hayes, and D. Tombs (eds.), Resurrection (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press) 1999: 82-97; Licona, Michael. "Did Jesus Predict his Death and Vindication/Resurrection?." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 8, no. 1 (2010): 47-66; and Allison Jr, Dale C. The Resurrection of Jesus: Apologetics, Polemics, History. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021: 183-206.  
[3] The Hindu holy man Sathya Sai Baba proclaimed that he would die at the age of 96 (in actuality he passed away aged 84). Psychic Sylvia Brown died at the age of 77, off by 11 years regarding her prediction that she would die at age 88. Proclamations of when one will die, though usually incorrect, are not uncommon in religious circles.
[4] Richard Carrier argues that, "
Matthew’s account involves reporting privileged conversations between priests and Pilate, and then secret ones between priests and guards that no Christian could have known about (27.62-65, 28.11-15). This is always a very suspicious sign of fiction." Quoted from Carrier, “Why I Don't Buy the Resurrection Story (6th ed., 2006)”. The Secular Web. https://infidels.org/library/modern/richard-carrier-resurrection-2/#viii 
[5] However, if the women did know of the guards, it would have to be upon arrival to the tomb as it is unlikely that they would have attempted to visit the sepulcher to anoint the body had they known it was guarded.
[6] Craig, William Lane. "The Guard at the Tomb." New Testament Studies 30, no. 2  (1984): 273-81.
[7] Though the accusation of theft is not brought up in Acts, it is mentioned in later Christian sources such as Justin Martyr (Dialogue with Trypho, Ch. 108) and Tertullian (De Spectaculis, Ch. 30),, as well as Jewish sources like the Toldet Yeshua.

[7b] Acts 4:16 and 4:21 may however provide clues at to why the apostles were not prosecuted of any crime when arrested; vs. 21 mentions that "they let them go, finding no way to punish them, because of the people, for all were praising God for what had happened." It seems that Acts implies that the Sanhedrin feared pushback from the rowdy crowds, especially of the thousands of Christians that had allegedly converted hours before (Acts. 4:4). This is reminiscent of the crowd's reaction to James the Just's death at the hands of the High Priest Ananus around 30 years later, where Josephus in Ant. 20.9.1 mentions that the Jews were displeased with Ananus's unlawful decision and reported him to Albinus, who had him deposed and replaced.

[8] Arguments for an earlier tradition of the guard story based on non-Matthean are discussed in Broer, Ingo. Die Urgemeinde und das Grab Jesu: Eine Analyse der Grablegungsgeschichte im Neuen Testament. Vol. 31. Kösel-Verlag, 1972:69-78. Daives and Allison, in Matthew: Volume 3: 19-28 (Vol. 3). A&C Black. 1988, also argue on pg. 645 that the narrative "contain[s] features not typical of Matthew." 

[ 9] Kankaanniemi, Matti.  The Guards of the Tomb (Matt 27:62-66 and 28:11-15): Matthew's Apologetic Legend Revisited. Åbo Akademis Förlag. 2010: 94.
[10] Isotopic analysis has shown the Inscription to be carved from stone derived from the Island of Kos, see Harper, et al. "Establishing the Provenance of the Nazareth Inscription: Using Stable Isotopes to Resolve a Historic Controversy and Trace Ancient Marble Production." Journal of Archaeological Science 30 no. 4 (2020). This does not, however, necessarily mean that the inscription has no association with Israel, for Judea normally imported much of their stones to the authors' admittance, “any marble in Palestine must necessarily have been imported given the lack of local sources.”
[11] Tacitus, Annals, 2.39-41.
[12] Tacitus, Histories 1.78; 2.8; Suetonius, Nero 57
[13] Herodotus, Histories, 4.93-96.
[14] Josephus, Antiquities, 18. 85-89
[15] Josephus, Antiquities, 14.2.1. 21-28
[16]  Josephus, Antiquities. 17.9.3 213; Jewish War 2.1.3 10
[17] Josephus, Antiquities 20.5.3 106; JewishWar 2.12.1 224
[18] Josephus, Jewish War 4.7.2 402
[19] Josephus, Antiquities 20.5.3 106, Jewish War 2.12.1 224

 

Saturday, June 18, 2022

What Makes One A True Philosopher?

 “Now if wisdom is identical with God, by whom all things were made, as we are assured by divine authority and divine truth, then the true philosopher is the lover of God.” Augustine, The City of God, 8.1

New Video on Jesus’s Second Coming Predictions and the “Delay of the Parousia”

I recently gave a two-hour presentation on Than Christopoulos’s YouTube channel, Exploring Reality, about the objection that Jesus falsely predicted the timing of his Second Coming and that the early church had to cope with the “delay” of his return.  You can find it here. I cover some material that I’ve written about on here (see here, here, and here) but I cover lots of new information as well. 

Thursday, June 16, 2022

Numbering the Psalms in the Septuagint

This will be an informational post. When reading academic literature, it is common to see references to the Psalms given twice. For example, in his commentary on 1 Peter, Craig Keener cites "LXX Psalm 33:9 (ET Ps. 34:8)" (126). "LXX" here refers to the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Hebrew scriptures, and "ET" refers to the English translation, derived directly from the Hebrew Masoretic text. So what is the difference between these two numbering systems?

Psalms 1-8 and 148-150 are numbered the same in each system. Psalms 9 and 10 are combined as Psalm 9 in the LXX. This conflation means that Psalms 10-112 in the LXX are each shifted forward one, covering ET Psalms 11-113. Thus, Psalm 33 in the LXX is Psalm 34 in the ET. At this point the divisions get more complicated. ET Psalms 114 and 115 are conflated in the LXX as Psalm 113. The first nine verses of ET Psalm 116 form LXX Psalm 114 and the final ten verses form LXX Psalm 115. ET Psalms 117-146 appear in the LXX as Psalms 116-145, resuming the familiar pattern of being one chapter ahead. The first eleven verses of ET Psalm 147 form LXX Psalm 146, and the final nine verses form LXX Psalm 147. The chapter numbers now aligned, Psalms 148-150 are the same.

These differences can be visualized in the following table:

ET Psalms 1-8 -> LXX Psalms 1-8
ET Psalms 9-10 -> LXX Psalm 9
ET Psalms 11-113 -> LXX Psalms 10-112
ET Psalms 114-115 -> LXX Psalms 113
ET Psalm 116:1-9 -> LXX Psalm 114
ET Psalm 116:10-19 -> LXX Psalm 115
ET Psalms 117-146 -> LXX Psalms 116-145
ET Psalm 147:1-11 -> LXX Psalm 146
ET Psalm 147:12-20 -> LXX Psalm 147
ET Psalms 148-150 -> LXX Psalms 148-150

There is scholarly debate as to which numerations are correct. For example, Psalms 9 and 10 appear to be a Hebrew acrostic poem that is best read as one continuous psalm. On the other hand, LXX Psalms 146-147 are often argued to be one poem, correctly captured in the ET as Psalm 147. One might also notice a difference in verse numbers. This is partially due to dispute over whether to count the title of the Psalm as a verse or rather to start the numbering with the actual text of the psalm. 

When citing the psalms, a single unlabelled reference will usually be taken to mean a reference to the English text. Usually, that will be sufficient, though more scholarly work may call for the double reference.

Friday, June 3, 2022

Andrew Loke's New Youtube Series

 Christian philosopher and theologian Andrew Loke is starting a series on YouTube called "What's wrong with the skeptics' arguments." Andrew Loke is one of the best apologists out right now, so his channel is well worth checking out. 

Wednesday, June 1, 2022

Bibliography For Exploring Reality's Resurrection Stream

 A few months ago, some of the staff here at ThinkChristianTheism participated in a live stream presenting a case for the resurrection of Jesus. There have been a lot of technical issues that involve posting some of the sources we cited. Given that, I thought I would just post them here. Some of the titles mentioned below are papers, so if you don't have access to them and would like to, don't hesitate to comment or email me. I also may have missed some material, so feel free to ask about that as well! 

  • Richard Swinburne, The Resurrection of God Incarnate 
  • NT Wright, The Resurrection of the Son of God
  • Caleb Jackson, Undead
  • Dale Allison, Resurrecting Jesus
  • __. The Resurrection of Jesus: Apologetics, Polemics, History 
  • Craig Keener, Christobiography 
  • Michael Licona, The Resurrection of Jesus: A New Historiographical Approach 
  • Andrew Loke, Investigating the Resurrection of Jesus Christ: A Transdisciplinary Approach
  • JD Atkins, The Doubt of the Apostles and the Resurrection Faith of the Early Church
  • Christopher Bryan, The Resurrection of the Messiah 
  • Sean McDowell, The Fate of the Apostles: Examining the Martyrdom Accounts of the Closest Followers of Jesus 
  • All of the sources discussed for the burial (and some for the appearances) section of the stream are linked on my previous post

Monday, May 30, 2022

A Review of Jonathan Bernier's Rethinking the Dates of the New Testament

Dr. Jonathan Bernier recently published a book (Rethinking the Dates of the New Testament; Baker Academic, 2022) defending an early chronology for the New Testament corpus, the first study of its kind since John A. T. Robinson's 1976 book Redating the New Testament. With the exception of some of the Pauline epistles, Bernier argues for dates of composition "twenty to thirty years earlier than is typically supposed by contemporary biblical scholars". His text is systematic, thorough, and approachable, though the strength of the arguments varied depending on the NT book in question. In this review, I will discuss the pros and cons of the book, overview the arguments adduced for an early date, and assess the strength of his conclusions.

Introduction

These are the dates Bernier defends:

Matthew: 45-59
Mark: 42-45
Luke: 59
John: 60-70
Acts: 62
Romans: winter of 56/57
1 Corinthians: early 56
2 Corinthians: late 56
Galatians: 47-52
Ephesians: 57-59
Philippians: 57-59
Colossians: 57-59
1 Thessalonians: 50-52
2 Thessalonians: 50-52
1 Timothy: 63-64 if Pauline, 60-150 if pseudo-Pauline
2 Timothy: 64-68 if Pauline, 60-150 if pseudo-Pauline
Titus: 63-64 if Pauline, 60-175 if pseudo-Pauline
Philemon: 57-59
Hebrews: 50-70
James: prior to 62
1 Peter: 60-69
2 Peter: 60-69 if Petrine, 60-125 if pseudo-Petrine
1 John: 60-100
2 John: 60-100
3 John: prior to 100
Jude: prior to 96
Revelation: 68-70

1 Clement: 64-70
Didache: 60-125
Epistle of Barnabas: 70-132
Shepherd of Hermas: 60-125

Perhaps the best thing about the book is the systematic treatment of each topic. Each section begins by listing and numbering each piece of evidence to be considered, which correspond to the bold-faced section titles. At the end of each section is a conclusion recapping the evidence considered and stating the current possible date range. There is also a cumulative conclusion at the end of each chapter giving a higher-level recap. The result is an argument that's extremely easy to follow.

My disagreements were principally regarding the evidential weight assigned to various data. I will discuss some of these below.

Overview of the Book

The book is divided into an introduction and five parts. I will briefly discuss each of them.

Introduction

Bernier explains the three main chronologies defended by New Testament scholars as so:

  • Lower (defended in this volume)—most of NT prior to 70
  • Middle (majority view)—NT generally between 70-100, with the exception of the undisputed Pauline epistles
  • Higher—dates much of the NT to the second century

Next, Bernier surveys the history of scholarship on the compositional dates of the New Testament and notes that this is the first book-length defense of the lower chronology in almost fifty years, while the middle and higher chronologies haven't been defended at such length since the Victorian era. Accordingly, he argues that three books are needed, each rearticulating a robust argument for one of the three dating schemes. With this volume, he is attempting to do that for the lower chronology.

The next section discusses some of the shortcomings of A.T. Robinson's infamous book. Specifically, Bernier argues 1) that Robinson relies too much on arguments from silence, and 2) that while Robinson is correct to reject NT references to persecution as necessarily referring to the Domitianic persecution, he makes many of the same errors with the Neronic persecution—failing to establish that many references to persecution in the NT refer specifically to the Neronic persecution and not something else.

The next section discusses criteria that will be used for generating hypotheses: synchronization, contextualization, and authorial biography. Bernier uses these three criteria to structure each discussion of dating. Synchronization deals with whether certain portions of a text are more intelligible before or after certain dates. This is often used with reference to the destruction of the Temple in the year 70. For example, a description of the Temple that uses the present tense is more intelligible before the year 70, and thus should incline us toward a pre-70 date. Contextualization deals with the themes of the book in relation to early Christian development in areas like Christology or ecclesiology. Authorial biography deals with what we know about the author. It can yield the most precise dates of the three criteria, such as dating Romans to the winter of 56/57.

Part 1 - The Synoptic Gospels and Acts

Matthew, Mark, and Luke-Acts are the first texts considered by Bernier. He discusses several data that have figured prominently in discussions of the dating of the Synoptics and considers most of them to be nonprobative for purposes of establishing a compositional date. A notable exception is the reference to the desolating sacrifice in the "texts of desolation", which Bernier argues makes the most sense if the Synoptics were written prior to 70.

Bernier also discusses some concerns specific to Luke-Acts, such as the unity of Luke-Acts, whether Luke knew Josephus, the relevance of Marcion's Gospel, Luke's (non)use of Paul's letters, and the enigmatic ending of Acts. He puts a lot of weight on this last piece of evidence, citing Karl Armstrong's new book on the subject, Dating Acts in its Jewish and Greco-Roman Contexts.

Chapter 2 seeks to narrow down the pre-70 date by providing evidence from contextualization and authorial biography. Bernier argues that Maurice Casey's work on Markan translation of Aramaic is probably nonprobative for the purposes of dating the Gospel. He then discusses Crossley's argument from Mark's silence on the Gentile mission, concluding that it lends some support to pre-45 dating of Mark, but "this hypothesis is sufficiently tentative that it should be supported by additional argumentation". (71) Unfortunately, it seems to me that Bernier never supplied this additional argumentation.

Bernier also discusses the relationship between Mark and Peter. He argues that Peter was present in Rome ca. 42 but notes that the evidence for this is late and thus not decisive. He concludes that Mark was written sometime between 42 and 45. 

Pivoting into a discussion of Luke, Bernier argues that the famous "we-passages" are best explained if the author of Acts was present for the events in question. As a key piece of evidence, he cites the fact that the we-passages begin in Philippi and trail off when the narrative returns to Philippi. He argues that the best time for Luke to have written his Gospel would be ca. 59, with Acts being written sometime between 60-62.

Lastly, in discussing Matthew, Bernier argues that a date can't be nailed down with as much precision. He concludes that Matthew must postdate 45, since it postdates Mark, and predate 59, since it predates Luke. 

Part 2 - The Johannine Tradition

The synchronization section of chapter 3 covers several lines of evidence. Most of these are deemed to be nonprobative or otherwise of limited evidential value. Of particular interest was Bernier's discussion of the Birkat Haminim and the tenuity of the argument that it necessitates a post-80 date for John.

The lone piece of positive evidence given for a pre-70 date is the use of the present tense to refer to the pool of Bethsaida in John 5.2: "in Jerusalem by the Sheep Gate there is a pool...". Accordingly, Bernier spends the better part of six pages defending its evidential value. I think he succeeds in showing that it should be taken as evidence for an early date. However, since this is the only significant factor that weighs in Bernier's analysis of the dating of John's Gospel, it should be taken with caution. Of course, we can't always expect a multi-pronged cumulative case for dating a specific text, but I don't think agnosticism on the matter of John's date is a particularly irrational position.

In the next sections Bernier critiques further arguments for a later date of John, such as Johannine Christology. Arguing that John's Christology is approximately as high as that of Paul, he correctly asserts that the Christological factor doesn't have much bearing on the date of John's Gospel.

There is little evidence bearing on the dating of the epistles of John. Bernier concludes that 1 and 2 John were written sometime between 60-100 and 3 John was written no later than 100, as he was unable to establish a lower bound for the latter.

Bernier discusses several factors regarding the date of Revelation:
1. external attestation
2. the succession of kings in Revelation 17:9-11
3. the death of Nero in Revelation 13:1-18
4. the passages about the temple in 11:1-2 and 11:13
5. food sacrificed to idols
6. Rome as "Babylon"
7. Revelation's Christology
8. Revelation's ecclesiology
9. Irenaeus' ostensible testimony to a mid-90s date for Revelation

Bernier places the most weight on point #4. Revelation 11:13 reads: "At that moment there was a great earthquake, and a tenth of the city fell; seven thousand people were killed in the earthquake, and the rest were terrified and gave glory to the God of heaven."

Josephus reports that all of Jerusalem fell in 70 AD (Jewish Wars 7.1.1 §§1-4), and moreover, it was not an earthquake that caused the fall but Roman soldiers. Bernier argues: "It is difficult to imagine that an author writing after 70 would employ the fall of Jerusalem for symbolic effect and yet grossly misrepresent the nature of that fall, and more to the point, underestimate its extent." (122)

Concerning point #9, Bernier offers no alternative interpretation but rather argues that the internal evidence should win out. The problem with this, of course, is that Bernier gave only two pieces of internal evidence for a pre-70 date, which were at least partially epistemically dependent, so the counterevidence they can sustain is limited.

Part 3 - The Pauline Corpus

Part 3 is structured differently than the other parts. Instead of dating texts in both chapters, Bernier spends Chapter 5 discussing how to date the Pauline corpus and Chapter 6 actually dating it.

Of particular note is his discussion of the importance of Acts in dating Paul's letters. He defends an interesting argument for the chronological accuracy of Acts (e.g., whether Acts narrates events in the order they happened): he adduces four key events that can be dated independently (the crucifixion of Jesus, the death of Herod Agrippa, Gallio's tenure in Corinth, and the succession from Felix to Festus) and demonstrates that Acts narrates these all in the order that they occurred. Obviously, this isn't sufficient to demonstrate beyond reasonable doubt that Acts is chronologically accurate, but it certainly points in that direction.

Here are Bernier's dates for the Pauline corpus, with brief explanations:

1 and 2 Thessalonians
On the basis of Paul's Corinthian sojourn, Bernier argues that 1 and 2 Thessalonians were written between the years 50 and 52.

1 and 2 Corinthians
On the basis of Paul's Ephesian sojourn and the data contained in 1 Corinthians 16.8 ("But I will remain in Ephesus until Pentecost") Bernier argues that 1 Corinthians was written in early 56. On the basis of correlation with Acts, Bernier argues that 2 Corinthians was written in late 56.

Romans
On the basis of correlation with Acts, Bernier argues that Romans was written in the winter of 56/57. The integrity of Romans is considered to be nonprobative for purposes of establishing the compositional date.

Galatians
Bernier gradually narrows the lower bound for Galations from 31 to 40 to 42 and finally to 47. On the basis of correlation with Acts, the upper bound is argued to be 52.

Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon
The primary datum for dating these three epistles is Paul's imprisonment in Caesarea from 57-59. Bernier argues that they were all written from this time period. Notably, Bernier does not seem to entertain serious doubts as to the authenticity of Ephesians and Colossians.

Philippians
Bernier judges the integrity of Philippians to be more probable than not, arguing that it was written during Paul's imprisonment in Caesarea from 57-59.

1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus
Given the disputes as to the authenticity of these letters, Bernier adduces two date ranges for each of them: one if Pauline, the other if pseudo-Pauline. He argues from multiple lines of evidence that these letters, if authentic, would postdate Paul's career as recorded in Acts. He also argues that Paul plausibly had a post-Acts career from ca. 62-68. He concludes that 1 Timothy and Titus were written no later than 150 and 175 (respectively), if pseudo-Pauline, and from 63-64 if Pauline, and that 2 Timothy was written no later than 150 if pseudo-Pauline, and from 64-68 if Pauline.

Part 4 - Hebrews and the Letters of James, Peter, and Jude

Bernier dates Hebrews between the years 50 and 70. The majority of his analysis consists of refuting arguments for a later date. To establish the lower bound of 50, Bernier cites Hebrews 13.23, specifically the phrasing "our brother, Timothy". He argues that this makes most sense after Timothy had entered into ministry, ca. 50. To establish the upper bound of 70, Bernier cites Hebrews 10.1-3 ("would not the sacrifices have ceased?"). This makes more sense if the Temple hadn't been destroyed. Otherwise, the point of the argument could be lost: "If in 85 I were to ask, 'Would not the sacrifices have ceased being offered?' you likely would respond, 'But they have!'" (191)

Bernier dates James no later than 62, the date of James' death. His primary reason for doing this is his acceptance of traditional authorship. Bernier discusses and refutes many arguments for a later date, though in some cases he didn't condemn those arguments as strongly as could be warranted, such as the claim that James 3.9-10 betrays knowledge of the Birkat Haminim.

Bernier's lower bound for 1 Peter is the year 60. This is reached on the basis of 1 Peter's knowledge of Romans and Ephesians, as argued by Ora Delmer Foster. The authorial biography section includes a discussion of objections to the traditional authorship view. Bernier's upper bound is 69, which he judges the last possible year of Peter's death. Notably, Bernier does not even provide a date for if the epistle is pseudo-Petrine, despite his doing so for 2 Peter, as he believes 1 Peter is likely authentic.

Bernier argues that "2 Peter is probably the strongest candidate for pseudonymous authorship in the NT corpus." (228) If authentic, he gives the same 60-69 date range as 1 Peter. If pseudonymous, the upper bound is pushed out to 125.

There is little evidence for the dating of Jude, due to the brevity of the letter and the questions surrounding its authorship. Bernier concludes that Jude was probably dependent on 2 Peter, setting a lower bound somewhere in the 60s. He argues for an upper bound of 96, based on the fact that Jude had probably passed away by the time of the Domitianic reign.

Part 5 - Early Extracanonical Writings

References to the deaths of Peter and Paul solidly exclude a date for 1 Clement earlier than 64. Narrowing down this range, Bernier refers to 1 Clement 40-44, which uses the present tense to refer to the temple administration. Judging most other lines of evidence to be nonprobative, Bernier argues that this present tense should incline us to prefer a pre-70 date for the letter, when the temple was still standing. The final date range is 64-70.

The Didache is argued to date between 45-125. the upper bound is established by the contextual relevance of concerns about traveling teachers, apostles, or prophets and Gentile inclusion, which Bernier argues are most intelligible in the 40s-60s but look increasingly out of place the later one dates the text.

Very little can be said to narrow down the date range of the Epistle of Barnabas. The reference to the destruction of the Temple in 16.3-4 necessitates a post-70 date. Bernier argues that the verses also tell against a date after the Bar Kokhba revolt, as that would have made the prophecy about the temple being rebuilt less likely. Thus, Bernier settles on a wide date range of 70-132.

The Shepherd of Hermas also resists restriction to a narrow date range, in part due to its composite nature. On the basis of ecclesiology, Bernier gives a date range of 60-125.

Conclusion

Rethinking the Dates of the New Testament is a must-read for anyone interested in the central topic of the book—namely, dating the New Testament. I would contend, however, that the discussion is a bit too esoteric for general reading in New Testament reliability. Bernier has done New Testament scholarship a great service by presenting anew the case for earlier dates of the NT corpus. Due to numerous disagreements about the strength of the evidence as well as a desire to withhold my final conclusions until I've researched the relevant issues further, I was ultimately unconvinced that I should confidently embrace an earlier chronology, but Bernier has certainly shown the flaws in a position of epistemic dogmatism with regard to the consensus dating. I agree with Bernier that more books are needed on this subject, particularly defenses of middle and high chronologies, so that the merits of each case can be more easily judged.